ObjectivesIn the UK, men's alcohol-related morbidity and mortality still greatly exceeds women's, despite an increase in women's alcohol consumption in recent decades. New UK alcohol guidelines introduce gender-neutral low-risk alcohol consumption guidance. This study explores how UK newspaper and online news represent women's and men's ‘binge’ drinking to identify opportunities to better align reporting of harmful drinking with evidence.DesignQuantitative and qualitative content analysis of 308 articles published in 7 UK national newspapers and the BBC News website between 1 January 2012 and 31 December 2013.ResultsArticles associated women with ‘binge’ drinking more frequently than men, and presented women's drinking as more problematic. Men were more frequently characterised as violent or disorderly, while women were characterised as out of control, putting themselves in danger, harming their physical appearance and burdening men. Descriptions of female ‘binge’ drinkers' clothing and appearance were typically moralistic.ConclusionsThe UK news media's disproportionate focus on women's ‘binge’ drinking is at odds with epidemiological evidence, may reproduce harmful gender stereotypes and may obstruct public understandings of the gender-neutral weekly consumption limits in newly proposed alcohol guidelines. In order to better align reporting of harmful drinking with current evidence, public health advocates may engage with the media with a view to shifting media framing of ‘binge’ drinking away from specific groups (young people; women) and contexts (public drinking) and towards the health risks of specific drinking behaviours, which affect all groups regardless of context.

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This article explores the relationship between movement and cultural politics through a long-distance walking trail – the Jordan Trail. The Jordan Trail is a 650-km trail running the length of Jordan from its northern border with the occupied Golan Heights to the Red Sea. While cultural geography has increasingly engaged with walking, the actual line that is walked along has been neglected. Lines can be violent and destructive. This is exemplified by the drawing of the borders of the Jordanian state, under the British Mandate period following the breakdown of the Ottoman Empire. Lines can impose power on a place, therefore, when defined by a state. In Jordan, these state-drawn lines have created divisions where none have previously existed and have severed movement, particularly Bedouin movement. The Jordan Trail, however, has the possibility to rethink and recapture movement, particularly movement erased by the state. This is where I suggest cultural geographical approaches to lines are important in paying attention to the more experiential and ongoing nature of place. The lines of the Jordan Trail can be created by the movement of a body over the ground, they can be invisible to the human eye and instead told through stories, or they can be the recording of Global Positioning Services (GPS) coordinates. This article is based on 12 months of ethnographic research walking on the Jordan Trail and volunteering for the Jordan Trail Association and as such argues for more embedded explorations of movement and cultural politics in Jordan. I argue that a relationship between movement and cultural politics at the embodied and everyday scale can be explored by attending to the line of a walking trail. The Jordan Trail can highlight the violence of state creation and particularly the imposition of state drawn lines in Jordan and the movements they have cut off and the Trail can also capture embodied accounts of movement and place in which Bedouin and everyday accounts matter.

The increased reliance of universities on a pool of highly skilled but poorly paid casualised academic labour for teaching and research has emerged as a defining feature of higher education provision under neoliberal New Public Management. Based on seventeen visual timeline interviews with academics in the North East of England, this article augments and extends existing studies of precarity through a framing of dehumanisation and humanisation. Specifically, we suggest that casualisation is dehumanising in four ways: it renders individuals invisible; it leaves them vulnerable to exploitation; it denies them academic freedom; and it hampers them in constructing a life narrative projecting into the future. We conclude that casualisation is not simply the product of a reprehensible political economy, but that it is an afront to the very meaning and dignity of being human.