In this study, trepanations in ancient Anatolia were discussed from a historical perspective. Trepanations were studied in respect to temporal and spatial distribution, sex and age distribution, techniques and reasons, completeness, healing and number of holes. Forty individuals from 23 different Anatolian settlements are identified to have undergone trepanations. Cranial trepanations in Anatolia show a distribution over a period of 10 000 years ranging from the Aceramic Neolithic period to the Late Ottoman period and spread to whole Anatolia. The greater majority of the individuals had single trepanation orifices while only four individuals were identified with multiple holes. It is observed that the surgical procedure was predominantly carried out on males in Anatolia. Main techniques of trepanations used in Anatolia are drilling and cutting. Early cases of trepanation were made by drilling; however, this technique has been used for cranial surgery until the Ottoman period. Scraping and rectangular sawing techniques first applied in the Early Bronze Age. The boring-andcutting technique was only applied in the Iron Age. More than half of the trepanations practiced due to cranial trauma. Training and treatment besides of cranial trauma are also considered as likely causes of trepanations in Anatolia. It is concluded that trepanation techniques are similar to South America and the Mediterranean region rather than Europe.
Variable kinship patterns in Neolithic Anatolia revealed by ancient genomes Highlights d Genetic kinship estimated from co-buried individuals' genomes in Neolithic Anatolia d Close relatives are common among co-burials in As xıklı and Boncuklu d Many unrelated infants found buried in the same building in Ç atalhö yü k and Barcın d Neolithic societies in Southwest Asia may have held diverse concepts of kinship
Trauma is among the most important sources of data providing information related to systematic violence, battles and massacres among ancient populations. In this study, a mass grave from Titriş Hö yü k in the Southeast Anatolia was examined in terms of cranial traumas. Skeletal remains of minimum 19 individuals were placed on a plaster basin as a secondary interment. The frequency of cranial trauma was 81.3% among 16 available adult crania. The fact that the perimortem traumas were observed on both sex groups and the presence of two children and an infant on the basin suggest the possibility of these individuals being subjected to an attack or a massacre. It has been determined that the frequency of traumas in the common burials increased more than twofold from Early-Mid EBA (6.7%) to Late EBA (14.3%). While all of the injuries observed in Early-Mid EBA were in the form of healed depressed trauma, penetrated traumas were also encountered in Late EBA. The increased frequency of cranial trauma with unusual interment on a plaster basin indicated that a social stress might have taken place in Titriş Hö yü k. It is concluded that the collapse of the Akkadian Empire, the deterioration of the trade-based economy and resource stress might have been possible factors that played a role in the excessive violence, or a massacre in Titriş Hö yü k.
Upper Mesopotamia played a key role in the Neolithic Transition in Southwest Asia through marked innovations in symbolism, technology, and diet. We present 13 ancient genomes (c. 8500 to 7500 cal BCE) from Pre-Pottery Neolithic Çayönü in the Tigris basin together with bioarchaeological and material culture data. Our findings reveal that Çayönü was a genetically diverse population, carrying mixed ancestry from western and eastern Fertile Crescent, and that the community received immigrants. Our results further suggest that the community was organized along biological family lines. We document bodily interventions such as head shaping and cauterization among the individuals examined, reflecting Çayönü’s cultural ingenuity. Last, we identify Upper Mesopotamia as the likely source of eastern gene flow into Neolithic Anatolia, in line with material culture evidence. We hypothesize that Upper Mesopotamia’s cultural dynamism during the Neolithic Transition was the product not only of its fertile lands but also of its interregional demographic connections.
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