Owing to its critical and creative potential, humour has often been used as one of the preferred means of resistance in social and political protests. In addition, the presence of humour is also increasing in the new social movements of recent history. The essential questions that this article aims to answer are how humour functions and what its purpose is amidst a time of numerous and notable social movements. During the 2013 Gezi Park protests in Turkey, the protesters made significant use of humour that specifically targeted the control of the authorities over public life, thus providing a good case with which to study humour in social movements. One form which the protesters used to disseminate humorous messages was graffiti. In this article, the graffiti from the Gezi Park protests is examined using a critical discourse analysis model. In order to achieve the intended aims, Van Dijk's (1995) understanding of ideological discourse analysis arguing that dominated groups may have ideologies that effectively organise the social representation needed for resistance and change, is taken as a point of departure. However, this work specifically relies on Fairclough's (1992) three dimensional discourse analysis that covers the object (the text), the process (discursive practice) and the socio-historical conditions (social practice). Research on the language of Gezi graffiti shows that the humorous language of the protesters identified and differentiated the actors of the movement, and it did not only help them to cope with the domination and oppression to which they were subjected, but also increased support for development in the desired direction.

During the last decade, with the progress of new information and communication technologies, electronic petitioning systems have emerged as a productive way for individuals to communicate with the authorities or policy makers about diverse issues. Although, they are designed to enable citizens to influence decision-making in the policy making process, there is an ongoing discussion on their effectiveness: one side of this discussion regards e-petitions as a new form of activism that enables greater political participation, and hence fortifies democracy. According to this view, e-petition campaigns can be an operative tool to help citizens to put issues on the political agenda, they are capable of producing a desired result, and thus they can cause a change over and transform political decisions. On the other side of this discussion, there is an opposite view that considers the transformative potential of an online petition as very moderate. Within this study, this transformative potential, the effectiveness of e-petitions, is discussed and analysed. With this aim, the paper uses the case studies from change.org.tr to determine the extent to which e-petitioning worked when ending a campaign successfully.

No abstract

This study aims to determine how the digital privacy of the child is addressed based on the content shared by parents on the parent blogs in Turkey. Today, parents share content about their daily parenting practices and the development of their children on digital communication media. The fact that the majority of the content shared is about the child makes it a necessity to think about the digital privacy of the child. In this context, parenting blogs are important in that they are digital texts through which mothers and fathers convey their relationship with their children and their parenting roles to the readers in the form of an autobiography. Within this study the Turkish parent bloggers' opinion on their privacy management of the content that they share was analyzed using a qualitative research design. The data collection phase was constructed based on face-to-face semi-structured interviews with 15 purposively selected parent bloggers and qualitative content analysis was used as the data analysis method.Regarding the privacy management of the blogger parents, four basic determinants have been detected: (1) ethical principles and auto-control, (2) the child's intervention and demands, (3) interactions with their followers and (4) the legal context.

This work is licensed under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License -1964'te kurulan The Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies tüm dünyada kabul gören bir akademik disiplinin ortaya çıkışını sağladı. Takip eden süreçte Kültürel Çalışmalar tam da olması gerektiği gibi farklı ülkelerin, ulusların kendi öznellikleri içinde yapılandırdığı (İngiliz Kültürel Çalışmaları, Amerikan Kültürel Çalışmaları, Avustralya Kültürel Çalışmaları vs.) bir çalışma alanı olarak belirdi. Bu doğrultuda Türkiye akademisi nerede duruyor? Sizce bu süreçte ortaya çıkıp biçimlenmiş bir Türk/ Türkiye Kültürel Çalışmalarından söz edebilir miyiz? Pek sanmıyorum. Eğer yanlış hatırlamıyorsam. Türkiye 'de Kültürel Çalışmalar tecrübesi ilk kez 2000'lerin başında İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi'nde bir Yüksek Lisans programı olarak başladı. O dönem ben de yarı zamanlı olarak Bilgi'de ders veriyordum. Galiba 2017 yılına kadar da devam ettim. Derslerime Kültürel Çalışmalar'dan düzenli olarak öğrenciler geliyordu. Ayrıca o programda ders veren meslektaşlarımın çoğunu yakından tanıyordum. Dolayısıyla benim için alanla tanışma bu vesileyle oldu. Bunun ardında diğer bazı vakıf üniversitelerinden benzer Yüksek Lisans programları açılmaya başladı. Uzun süre lisans ve doktora girişimi duymadık. Sabancı Üniversitesi'ndeki alternatif yapılanma dışında Türkiye'de henüz dört başı mamur bir Kültürel Çalışmalar lisans bölümü mevcut değil. Doktora tecrübesi bildiğim kadarıyla birkaç yıl önce Yıldız Teknik Üniversitesi'nde başladı. Son halini bilemiyorum.