The Moscow street demonstrations of 2011–12 were the largest public gatherings in Russia since the collapse of the Soviet Union. They were also the largest‐ever gathering of Russians on social media. While using the Internet to follow such large‐scale social movements remotely, researchers experience social media as a context in which anthropology happens. They may think about “being there” in new ways that shift their focus to their own processes of memory making and sense of bodily presence. Experiencing and remembering social media in the body challenges the distinctions we might otherwise make between virtual and physical encounters. [body memory, protest, social media, digital anthropology, online research, Moscow, Russia] Московские уличные демонстрации 2011–12 стали наиболее многочисленными в России со времен распада Советского Союза. Они также объединили наибольшее число россиян в социальных сетях. Используя Интернет для изучения крупномасштабных социальных движений в удаленном доступе, исследователи одновременно рассматривают онлайн пространство социальных сетей как новое поле антропологии. Новые способы «присутствия» побуждают исследователей обратиться к своему собственному процессу производства памяти и собственному чувству телесности. Особые опыт и память телесности в социальных средствах коммуникации заставляют нас пересмотреть границы виртуального и физического опыта. [память тела, протест, социальные медиа, цифровая антропология, онлайн исследования, Москва, Россия;]
Although Siberian ethnography was an open and international field at the turn of the 20th century, from about 1930 until the late 1980s Siberia was for the most part closed to foreigners and therefore to Western ethnographers. This allowed Soviet ethnographers to establish a virtual monopoly on Siberian field sites. Soviet and Western anthropology developed during that period in relative isolation from one another, allowing methodologies and theoretical approaches to diverge. During glasnost' and after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Siberian field was reopened and field studies were conducted by several Western ethnographers. The resulting encounter between Western and former Soviet ethnographers in the 1980s and 1990s produced a degree of cultural shock as well new challenges and opportunities on both sides. This is an experiential account of the mood of these newly reunited colleagues at the turn of the 21 st century.
Russia is often included in discussions of emerging donors, but it is an anomalous case whose actual development policies and practices have received little substantive analysis. This article examines internal and external processes that have influenced Russia's evolving approach to international development assistance in the past decade. I argue that Russia is less an emerging donor than a recruited one, targeted in a concerted effort of capacity-building and consulting by several global agencies. However, while this effort attempted to encompass 'Russia' as a unitary entity, it has had differential effects among the great variety of Russian actors from different government ministries who participated in the programmes. The article traces the recent historical development of Russia's donorship in the context of these capacitybuilding programmes, focusing in particular on tensions between the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the fitful attempts to create a dedicated Russian aid agency.La Russie est souvent incluse dans la discussion sur pays donateurs émergents, mais il s'agit d'un cas unique chez qui les politiques et pratiques de développement ont reçu bien peu d'analyse substantive. Cet article examine les procès internes et externes qui ont influencé l'approche évoluant de la Russie comme donneur d'assistance international de développement. On argumente que la Russie n'est pas vraiment un pays donateur émergent, il est plutôt un pays qui a été recruté a cette pratique, ciblé par plusieurs agences globales de façon coordonnée, pour lui offrir du conseil et construire sa capacité dans ce domaine. Cependant, tandis que ces efforts ont ciblé la « Russie » comme une entité unitaire, ils ont eu des effets très différents parmi la grande variété d'acteurs russes apparentent aux différents ministères qui participent aux programmes. L'article trace l'évolution historique récente de la Russie comme agent donateur dans le contexte de ses programmes de construction de capacité, SE concentrant en particulier sur les tensions entre le Ministère des Finances et le Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, et les tentatives intermittentes de créer une organisation humanitaire Russe.
Reindeer herding in the Chukotka Autonomous Okrug, as in many other regions across the Russian North, has been experiencing a progressive collapse since the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991. The collapse is typically blamed on Russia's privatization programme, which broke up collectivized reindeer farms into supposedly privatized enterprises. While this process did indeed bring significant changes to the practice of reindeer herding in Chukotka, this paper argues that a more fundamental issue is the political and economic change at the local level that most likely makes the collapse irreversible. Áccording to the rhetoric of the new “democratic” framework, the majority rules, and their priorities take precedence. As a result, the indigenous peoples and their priorities ‐ chief among which is reindeer herding ‐ have been squeezed into the political margins. This has been exacerbated by the development of a relationship of internal colonialism between dominant urban Russians and village‐dwelling indigenous reindeer herders, which has led to greater inequalities between the two groups as the Russians monopolize both resources and power in the region.
This paper, based on the author’s extensive field research in Chukotka in the 1990s, examines the conditions for Indigenous activism in Chukotka during the decade following the dissolution of the Soviet Union. The Indigenous movement in Chukotka faced extremely difficult conditions in the 1990s because of a concerted attack by a belligerent and chauvinistic regional administration that sought to undermine any effort on the part of Indigenous activists to mount an effective movement.Se fondant sur une recherche de terrain extensive menée par l’auteure dans la Tchoukotka des années 1990, cet article examine les conditions de l’activisme autochtone dans cette région de l’Extrême-Orient russe durant la décennie qui a suivi la dissolution de l’Union Soviétique. Le mouvement autochtone a fait face à une situation extrêmement difficile en Tchoukotka dans les années 1990 en raison d’une attaque concertée de la part d’une administration régionale chauvine et belliqueuse visant à saper tout effort émanant des activistes autochtones pour monter un mouvement efficace
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