No abstract

Current trends in sociophonetic data analysis indicate a shift to entirely automatic measurements of spectral properties using programs like Praat. While such practices are useful for the rapid collection of acoustic data from large corpora, they, by default do not permit human analysts to provide quality control or make hand corrected measurements when needed. Under ideal signal-to-noise conditions, such as in a sound-proof room, this may not be a problem. However, analysis of audio recordings made in acoustically-uncontrolled environments, like many standard sociolinguistic interviews, are arguably susceptible to spurious estimates using automated routines. This paper presents the results of a highly controlled noise-interference experiment designed to examine the effects of different types of noise at varying signal-to-noise levels on automated LPC-based vowel formant measurements made in Praat. Findings indicate that some noises are more detrimental than others, affect some formant frequencies more than others and that louder noises make it inappropriate to conduct an analysis of F1 and F2. Results are discussed and suggestions for better practices in recording sociolinguistic interviews for sociophonetic data collection are presented.

When the COVID-19 pandemic halted in-person data collection, many linguists adopted new online technologies to replace traditional methods, including video conferencing applications (apps) like Zoom (Zoom Video Communications, San Jose, CA), which allow live interaction with remote participants. This study evaluated the suitability of video calls for the phonetic analysis of vowel configurations, mergers, and nasalization by comparing simultaneous recordings from three popular video conferencing apps (Zoom; Microsoft Skype, Redmond, WA; Microsoft Teams, Redmond, WA) to those taken from professional equipment (H4n field recorder) and an offline iPad (Apple, Cupertino, CA) identical to those running the apps. All three apps conveyed vowel arrangements and nasalization patterns relatively faithfully, but absolute measurements varied, particularly for the female speaker and in the 750–1500 Hz range, which affected the locations (F1 × F2) of low and back vowels and reduced nasalization measurements (A1-P0) for the female's prenasal vowels. Based on these results, we assess the validity of remote recording using these apps and offer recommendations for the best practices for collecting high fidelity acoustic phonetic data from a distance.

One challenge for the ultrasound imaging of the tongue during connected speech is stabilization of both speakers heads and the ultrasound transducer. To accurately analyze tongue shapes, researchers must ensure that differences among images result from changes in tongue shape, not head or transducer movement. In this validation study, we present an inexpensive, space-saving technique for stabilizing the head and transducer during the collection of ultrasound images in the laboratory. Four speakers were video-recorded producing 5 blocks of 19 sentences each. The speakers’ heads were immobilized with a moldable head stabilizer (Comfort Company, model ♯HSM) affixed to a wall while the transducer was held by a microphone stand. Markers were attached to points on the speakers’ faces and the transducer. Custom-written MATLAB software was used to find the center of the markers for every 10th frame of the recordings. Results indicate that the transducer does not move, and head movement beyond the measurement error of 1 mm is confined to the first block, while speakers are adjusting to the equipment. As compared to other stabilization techniques [Stone and Davis, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 98, 3107–3112 (1995)], this method provides equivalent immobilization that is significantly less expensive and portable for fieldwork.

This paper investigates patterning of /l/ in Newfoundland English. Using acoustic and ultrasound methods, the reported displacement of the traditional Irish pattern of word-final light /l/ is assessed. Acoustic results show darker /l/'s in word-final position in both phrases and compounds. Although the standard allophonic pattern is widespread in Newfoundland English, dialectal variation arising from early settlement patterns continues to influence speech patterns with less distinction between initial and final /l/ in Irish-settled areas. Men show relatively less distinction between initial and final /l/, consistent with sociolinguistic patterns in which men retain local variants. Last, light /l/ in final position may be resurfacing among younger speakers. Ultrasound imaging also shows variable rates of distinction between word-final and initial /l/, but without significant main effects of region or gender. Articulatory analysis reveals a small effect of age, with older speakers being less likely to have significant differences in articulation across positions. An interaction between region and gender shows males from an Irish-settled community are less likely to employ distinct lingual shapes across positions. While some articulatory findings complement the acoustic results, it is suggested that differences between these domains result from lateralization or other aspects of articulation not captured in ultrasound imaging.