In the Andes, house rethatching is a labor process that creates more than just a new roof: it also produces a ritual imagery that gives form to, and is animated by, a tension between community and domestic life. This tension is expressed through the annual cycle as an opposition between a period of intensive interhousehold cooperation during the growing season and a period of appropriation by individual households during the dry season. House rethatching takes place during the seasonal shift from private appropriation to collective production, and is shaped by both of these opposed moralities, whose intersection and struggle animate the symbolism of the act and provide its practical grounding. On this basis I criticize attempts to reduce practice to a homogeneous set of dispositions through the concept of habitus, and seek to revindicate practice as a source of meaning.

There is a strange and unacknowledged paradox in the historiography of the Incas. On the one hand, few would deny that theirs was a typically theocratic archaic state, a divine kingship in which the Inca was thought to.be the son of the Sun. On the other hand, the standard descriptions of Inca political structure barely mention religion and seem to assume a formal separation between state and cult. 1 I believe that these secularizing accounts are misguided and will show in this essay that the political structure of the pre-Columbian Andes took form primarily around a system of sacred ancestral relics and origin points known generically as huacas. Each huaca defined a level of political organization that might nest into units of a higher order or subdivide into smaller groupings. Collectively they formed a segmentary hierarchy that transcended the boundaries of local ethnic polities and provided the basis for empires like that of the Incas. However, these huacas were also the focus of local kinship relations and agrarian fertility rituals. The political structure that they articulated therefore had a built-in concern for the metaphysical reproduction of human, animal, and plant life. Political power in the pre-Columbian Andes was particularly bound up with attempts to control the flow of water across the frontier of life and death, resulting in no clear distinction between ritual and administration.

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The Inka state was gendered in complex and apparently contradictory ways. In military contexts, it became masculine, emphasizing conquest us the basis of men's individual matrimonial claims and the Inka sovereign's right to "give" them women. However, in its civilian tributary system, the Inka state assumed a female guise, providing food, drink, and clothing to dependent tributaries as an expression of its political‐economic power, according to the Andean idiom of mink a. By extending Collier and Rosaldo's notion of brideservice. this paper explores how these "opposed" genderings of the Inka state actually implied each other and formed a single complex, [gender, consumption, labor, state. Andes]