Longitudinal direct and extended cross-ethnic friendship effects on out-group evaluations among German (majority status, N = 76) and Turkish (minority status, N = 73) children (age 7-11 years) in ethnically heterogeneous elementary schools were examined at the beginning and end of the school year (time lag: 7 months). The results showed that among majority status children, but not minority status children, direct cross-ethnic friendship predicted over time positive out-group evaluations. This association was partly mediated by perceived social norms about cross-ethnic friendship relations. No longitudinal effects of extended cross-ethnic friendship were found. These results suggest that in ethnically heterogeneous contexts, direct friendship is more effective in changing intergroup attitudes than extended friendship and that social status moderates direct friendship effects.

The present study is concerned with cultural diversity climate at school and how it relates to acculturation orientations and psychological school adjustment of early adolescent immigrants. Specifically, the distinct role of two types of diversity policy is investigated, namely (a) fostering equality and inclusion and (b) acknowledging cultural pluralism. Longitudinal multilevel analyses based on 386 early adolescent immigrant students (Mage  = 10.49 years) in 44 ethnically heterogeneous classrooms in Germany revealed that the manifestations of both types of policies promote psychological school adjustment (i.e., better well-being and fewer psychological and behavioral problems) at the individual level. However, they differ in their effects on acculturation orientations. At the classroom level, equality and inclusion promote assimilation. Implications for research and educational practice are discussed.

Many models assume that habitual human behavior is guided by spontaneous, automatic, or implicit processes rather than by deliberate, rule-based, or explicit processes. Thus, math-ability self-concepts and math performance could be related to implicit math-gender stereotypes in addition to explicit stereotypes. Two studies assessed at what age implicit math-gender stereotyping can be observed and what the relations between these stereotypes and math-related outcomes are in children and adolescents. Implicit math-gender stereotypes could already be detected with Implicit Association Tests (Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) among 9-year-old girls. Adolescent girls showed stronger implicit gender stereotypes than adolescent boys, who, on average, did not reveal implicit gender-stereotypic associations. Girls also already showed an implicit affinity to language versus math at 9 years of age. In a regression analysis, implicit math-gender stereotypes predicted academic self-concepts, academic achievement, and enrollment preferences above and beyond explicit math-gender stereotypes for girls but (with the exception of achievement) not for boys. These findings suggest implicit gender stereotypes are an important factor in the dropout of female students from math-intensive fields.

This study examined changes in and predictors of preference for same-ethnic friendships among German (N=106) and Turkish (N=45) preadolescents (M age=10.4 years) during their 1st year in an ethnically heterogeneous school. Drawing on the contact hypothesis, it examined the relation between children's attitudes and their preference for same-ethnic friendship. Among both German and Turkish children, the latter decreased over time and its variability was predicted by intergroup attitudes and peer norms about cross-ethnic friendships. Outgroup orientation and perceived contact conditions predicted only German children's preference for same-ethnic friendships. Over time, classroom identification increasingly reduced preference for same-ethnic friendships among Turkish children. The results showed that interindividual attitudes were related to children's level of intergroup contact.

As schools are becoming more culturally diverse, it is crucial to understand how they can approach this diversity in ways that allow all students to feel included and do well. We focus on the manifestation of two related but distinct approaches to cultural diversity, namely equality and inclusion (i.e., promoting positive intergroup contact) and cultural pluralism (i.e., embracing students' diverse cultural backgrounds as a resource), in the perceived classroom climate. Specifically, we test a model in which the link of cultural diversity climate at school and student outcomes (achievement, academic self-concept and general life satisfaction) is mediated by sense of school belonging, both at the individual and classroom level. Analyses are based on 1,971 students (61% of immigrant background; M age ϭ 11.53, SD age ϭ 0.73, 52% male) in 88 culturally diverse classrooms in southwest Germany after their first year at secondary school. Individual-and classroom-level results suggest that both perceived equality and inclusion as well as cultural pluralism are positively associated with outcomes and this link is mediated by school belonging. There were no differences in the effects of (perceived) cultural diversity climate and school belonging between students of immigrant and nonimmigrant background, suggesting that dealing with cultural diversity in a constructive way is beneficial for all students attending multiethnic schools. Educational Impact and Implications StatementAs schools are becoming more culturally diverse, it is crucial to understand how they can approach this diversity in ways that allow all students to feel included and do well. Schools may prevent ethnic discrimination and promote good relations between students from different cultural groups (e.g., by encouraging mixed seating arrangements and diverse work groups in class). Also, schools may communicate the value of diversity to students (e.g., by providing opportunities for students to learn about different cultures and ethnic groups). We found that students at culturally diverse schools in Germany who perceived that both approaches were followed at their school experienced a greater sense of belonging at school, had better grades and were more satisfied with their lives. Interestingly, this was true both for students of immigrant background and for students from the cultural majority. So, dealing with cultural diversity in a constructive way may help all students to feel and do well, regardless of their cultural background. Raising awareness among teachers and educational decision-makers about the benefits of these constructive approaches, and discussing with them how to implement these is an important step to promote student well-being and achievement in culturally diverse schools.