Gentrifikasi pada dasarnya adalah perubahan kondisi demografi dan sosio spasial kawasan perkotaan. Perubahan yang terjadi membawa munculnya eskalasi-eskalasi pergolakan masyarakat dalam melawan proses tersebut. Transformasi pola surplus nilai di kawasan perkotaan dan keberperanan pemerintah menciptakan kawasan perkotaan yang marketable menjadi alasan dari munculnya proses tersebut. Artikel ini bermaksud untuk mengidentifikasi gentrifikasi sebagai bentuk dari masalah sosial yang menyebabkan perubahan rupa kondisi sosial kawasan perkotaan. Terjadi transformasi dari kelas pekerja atau daerah kosong di tengah kota menjadi kawasan hunian kelas menengah dan kawasan komersial dengan masuknya modal dan kelas menengah atas. Perubahan ini kemudian membawa gentrifikasi sebagai masalah sosial yang bersifat sistemik. Sehingga tulisan ini juga mengangkat terkait bagaimana diagnosa atas gentrifikasi sebagai suatu bentuk masalah sosial di kawasan perkotaan. Diagnosis yang dibangun memperlihatkan pula sebagai masalah sosial yang berakar dari system blame approach. Proses gentrifikasi muncul dari keberadaan sistem produksi ruang yang timpang, dengan bentuk relasi produksi yang terlalu dominan oleh salah satu aktor. Berikutnya tulisan ini menganalisa bentuk-bentuk treatment yang tepat dalam penciptaan inklusifitas pembangunan sosial di ruang perkotaan. Lebih lanjut lagi tulisan ini berargumen bahwa solusi hak atas kota sebagai wadah yang tepat dalam mengatasi gentrifikasi sebagai masalah sosial yang tersistem.

Although Indonesia and South Korea have parallel narratives concerning their political-economic order that influenced social welfare arrangements, they have had different welfare outcomes. The main purpose of this study is to survey the possibility for Indonesia to adopt key features from Korea that can be applied to catch up in terms of its welfare outcome improvements. We argue that the key to the success of Korean social welfare development is closely related to the adaptive and responsive capacity of existing political institutions in responding to global changes, leading to a collaborative model of governance in welfare service.

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This succinct review returns to the debate on political‐culture and Singaporean social policy nexus that has been abandoned since 2000. They put the spotlight on the social policy through the Confucian lens, examining to what extent Confucianism teaching was conditioned in formal welfare provisions. Yet, they are too focused on the common idea of Confucianism while overlooking the original idea of Singaporean value promoted by Lee Kuan Yew. Hence, this article raises the discussion of the links of Singaporean values and the Central Provident Found (CPF) which have barely been highlighted in the literature. Singaporean values are hybrid between Confucianism and Western values. This article argues that although the CPF has expanded in terms of features and benefits, it has not crossed the line that separates Singapore from Western models. Because of its Singaporean values, the country does not follow the typical European model, which is being adopted by other East Asian countries. This article concludes the CPF not only reflects its centrality to Singaporean values but also as a value stabilizer that has long history in contributing to Singaporean nation‐building.

Right to the city become one of essential point in New Urban Agenda discussion, as the adoption of Sustainable Development Goals which includes point 11 on Sustainable Cities and Human Settlements. Right to the city is a concept which encloses political power, land ownership, and social justice within globalized cities which run into rapid change. Lefebvre describes the right to the city as people cry and demand a transformed and renewed urban life. Participation is seen as a basic right in the concept of the right to the city. This article drawing on a study case of relocation of Malioboro’s parking attendants. The relocation itself was one of the policies to revitalize tourism area along Malioboro street. In the process, there are some resistances from Malioboro’s parking attendants emerge as their concern on their sustainability after the relocation into the new place. Based on the field research, this article concludes that the process of participation that occurs does not meet up with parking attendants aspiration and the process is ruined by the government. Public participation is ineffective at the process and ruined as the government intervention in Malioboro parking attendants organization. The ineffectiveness of public participation is due to the logic of technocratic participation and the government's informal approach to some parking attendants.