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Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) conducted two projects in Cameroon on strengthening rice, and sorghum, maize and millet seed production by smallholder seed enterprises (SSEs). Farmer groups (respectively, 25 SSEs and 114 SSEs) were formed or strengthened and trained. Sixty-six selected lead farmers were trained on the administering and managing of revolving funds. The groups were then linked to the Extension Service (for continuous technical advice), Agriculture Research for Development Institution (continuous supply of needed seed), National Seed Service (seed certification) and to financial institutions (financial support). The results obtained showed that 60 and 59.6 per cent, respectively, of the groups sustained their activities two to three years after the projects ended. Total certified rice seed produced increased to 800 tonnes (t) against 267t at the beginning. For the other cereal project, the total certified seed produced was 719.2t against 497t at its beginning. The use of quality seed rice together with good agronomic practices increased yields (up to 8.0t/ha against a scant 2t/ha before). All interviewed farmers stressed that the seed business was profitable and helped achieve higher living standards and diversify their activities. Seasonal incomes were more than US$1,783.31. Finally, both FAO projects helped generate farmers' income to about US$2,114.871, produced 447,954t of cereal grain and thus improved food security and alleviated poverty. The Cameroonian success could be repeated elsewhere.

Following an overview of Nigeria's agriculture, this chapter describes the country's seed sector, seed policies, and the influences on seed use and demand. Five seed enterprises, one NGO and a government structure involved in the seed business are then described individually, covering their history, structure, cash flow and marketing. The chapter ends with a conclusion on the challenges and strengths of the seed enterprises in the country. Among various factors, successful seed enterprises all seem to: keep their overheads low; have a good product; be honest with outgrowers; and advertise their product. Nigeria's private seed companies are clustered around key research centres.

Osmotic adjustment in higher plants refers to the maintenance of turgor by lowering of osmotic potential arising from the net accumulation of solutes in response to water deficits. Genetic variation for osmotic adjustment has been reported in several crops, but little is known about its inheritance and potential use as selection criteria in tropical maize (Zea mays L.). Two tropical lowland maize populations were used in this study to quantify the magnitude of genetic variability in osmotic adjustment; to estimate components of its genetic variance and heritability; and to determine the importance of this trait in breeding tropical maize for improved drought tolerance. Full-sibs within half-sib groups were developed using the Design I mating scheme and evaluated at two locations in Mexico for two seasons using water stress and non-stress environments. Results showed that in both populations, dominance genetic effects were more important than additive effects in controlling the expression of the trait. However, very little genetic variability was present in either population for the trait, although more genetic variation was detected with data collected at flowering stage, when water stress was more severe than at the vegetative stage. Non-significant phenotypic and genotypic correlations were found between osmotic adjustment and yield. Not much genetic gain could be expected from selection for osmotic adjustment in these populations.

The purpose of this chapter is to compare formal and farmer seed systems, to describe the role of quality seed and to present the context in which small and medium-sized enterprises work in Africa, with a particular emphasis on the challenges of farmer seed enterprises. The demand for seed varies widely with the type of crop planted, and this influences which types of seed farmers want to buy. One of the most important reasons to buy formal seed is to acquire a new variety. The formal sector often ignores these reasons, and complains of how little seed farmers buy, especially smallholders in Africa and elsewhere in the tropics. Yet farmers can often obtain quite good seed from markets, their neighbours or their own farms. The formal seed system is actually a marriage between the government and the private sector, a marriage where communication and collaboration happen some of the time, but not always. While some have proposed encouraging groups of smallholders to produce formal seed for others, this has not been a success. Smallholder seed producer groups find it even more difficult than private seed companies to collaborate with the public sector for source seed supply and certification services. In light of these problems, the cases of functional African seed enterprises described in Chapters 3 to 11 seem even more remarkable. 2.1 Formal and Informal Systems Farmers get seed from 'formal' or 'informal' systems (Sperling et al., 1996; Sperling and Cooper, 2003). Formal systems are purposively composed of separate activities to provide new varieties, maintain their purity, certify the seeds and distribute them to farmers, usually through officially recognized seed outlets. De Schutter (2009) labels the formal sector the 'commercial seed system', which is not quite accurate, since there is much public sector involvement in it as well. An 'informal', 'traditional' or 'farmer' seed system lacks public sector regulation (Thiele, 1999). Farmers frequently exchange seeds among themselves, often for sale