Unlike other major adult social roles in the United States, parenthood does not appear to confer a mental health advantage for individuals. However, while research has examined parental status differences in emotional well-being, relatively little is known about variations in emotional distress among parents. In this article, we clarify the relationship between parenthood and current symptoms of depression using data from the National Survey of Families and Households. The analyses provide support for our first hypothesis: Parenthood is not associated with enhanced mental health since there is no type of parent who reports less depression than nonparents. We also find support for our second hypothesis: Certain types of parenthood are associated with more depression than others. Additionally, although we find marital status differences in symptoms among parents, there are no gender differences in the association between parenthood and depression. We discuss the implications of our findings for ongoing theoretical debates about the advantages of social role involvement for mental health as well as the meaning of contemporary parenthood in the United States.
With the National Comorbidity Survey of the early 1990s, Thoits (2005) recently showed that lower‐status mentally ill individuals were not more often hospitalized or pressured into psychiatric treatment than comparably ill persons of higher status, disconfirming a central hypothesis of labeling theory. However, that finding may have been due to changes in the mental health treatment system introduced by the spread of managed care. The differential labeling hypothesis is reexamined here with data from the Epidemiological Catchment Area Studies (ECA) collected in the early 1980s before managed‐care plans began to dominate the insurance marketplace and from the National Comorbidity Survey Replication conducted in the early 2000s when managed care had saturated the market. Little systematic support for the differential labeling hypothesis was found in the three studies, although, over time, the higher rates of mental hospitalization among less educated and low‐income individuals found in the ECA survey disappeared. Trends across the studies suggest that educated and affluent persons with psychiatric problems more frequently sought hospital care. These findings further undermine the validity of the differential labeling hypothesis and suggest that service utilization or treatment‐seeking factors may help explain mental hospitalization rates.
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