Raucous audience applause–cheering, laughter, and even booing by a passionately involved electorate marked the 2016 presidential debates from the start of the primary season. While the presence and intensity of these observable audience responses (OARs) can be expected from partisan primary debates, the amount of not just laughter, but also applause–cheering and booing during the first general election debate between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump was unprecedented. Such norm-violating audience behavior raises questions concerning not just the presence, strength, and timing of these OAR, but also their influence on those watching on television, streaming video, or listening to radio. This report presents findings from three interconnected studies. Study 1 provides a baseline for analysis by systematically coding the studio audience response in terms of utterance type (laughter, applause–cheering, booing, and mixtures), when and how intensely it occurred, and in response to which candidate. Study 2 uses observational analysis of 362 undergraduate students at a large state university in the southern United States who watched the debate on seven different news networks in separate rooms and evaluated the candidates’ performance. Study 2 considered co-occurrence of OAR in the studio audience and in the field study rooms, finding laughter predominated and was more likely to co-occur than other OAR types. When standardized cumulative strength of room OAR was compared, findings suggest co-occurring OAR was stronger than that occurring solely in the field study rooms. Analysis of truncated data allowing for consideration of studio audience OAR intensity found that OAR intensity was not related to OAR type occurring in the field study rooms, but had a small effect on standardized cumulative strength. Study 3 considers the results of a continuous response measure (CRM) dial study in which 34 West Texas community members watched and rated the candidates during the first debate. Findings suggest that applause–cheering significantly influenced liking of the speaking candidate, whereas laughter did not. Further, response to applause–cheering was mediated by party identity, although not for laughter. Conclusions from these studies suggest laughter as being more stereotypic and likely to be mimicked whereas applause–cheering may be more socially contagious.

A field experiment was conducted to analyze the third and final 2016 presidential debate. Randomly assigned participants watched the debate in the format of mainly solo camera shots that alternate between the candidates (i.e., switched feed), or with both candidates framed side-by-side on screen (i.e., split screen feed). Though viewer feelings of positivity toward the candidates did not differ, visual presentation style had a significant effect on trait judgments for Donald Trump overall. Participants watching Trump on the switched camera feed perceived him as significantly more Sophisticated, Honest, Attractive, Sincere, Strong, Active, Intelligent, Trustworthy, and Generous. There was not an effect for Hillary Clinton’s trait ratings overall, though she was perceived as significantly more Strong, Competent, and Intelligent by those watching the switched feed. This suggests that visual presentation style significantly influenced viewer perceptions. Political ideology was a significant predictor of all but one of the traits for each candidate.

This study explores whether visual presentation style (i.e., camera shot variation) may influence perceptions of Presidential candidates during televised debates. In a field experiment, 341 randomly assigned college students viewed or listened to one of seven broadcast network or cable/satellite channel conditions during the first televised Presidential debate between Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton and Republican nominee Donald Trump. A feeling thermometer and 19 leadership and personal traits were assessed during the time leading up to the debate and again immediately afterward. No differences were found based on presentation style, likely reflecting lack of variance in visual differences between the networks and broadcast channels. However, participant political ideology was significantly related to postdebate feelings toward each candidate. Judgments of Clinton’s professional and personal traits increased as was also the case albeit less significantly for Trump. Reasons for these changes in perceptions of the candidates following the debate are explored.

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President Ronald Reagan’s expert use of media and his charismatic connection with viewers earned him the moniker “the great communicator”. This study examines one aspect of his charisma, the influence of elicited laughter, during a much-discussed and highly critical 5-minute news story by CBS reporter Leslie Stahl during the 1984 US presidential election. Production choices regarding observable audience responses (OAR) on viewer perceptions of politicians have not been extensively studied. The focus of the present study is to explore the effects of audience laughter on perceived leadership traits. Two experiments examining the mediating effects of audience laughter on perceptions of presidential leadership are reported. The first shows that perceptions of Reagan’s perceived warmth significantly diminish when strong laughter is removed from the presentation, whereas perceptions of competence remain unaffected. The second study proposes a between-subjects experiment (preregistered report) to confirm and extend the findings of the first study by considering trait charisma and the influence of specific humorous comments that are accompanied by laughter.