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Background The COVID-19 pandemic laid bare some of the United States’ most devastating health and social inequities faced by people experiencing homelessness. Homeless populations experience disproportionate rates of underlying health conditions, stigma and marginalization that often disenfranchise them from health and social services, and living conditions that potentiate the risk of COVID-19 transmission and adverse outcomes. Methods Guided by the socio-ecological model, this community-based participatory research study examined the impacts of the COVID-19 public health crisis on people experiencing homelessness in Tippecanoe County, Indiana, and the ways in which homeless service providers prepared for, experienced, and responded to the pandemic. Eighteen (18) semi-structured interviews were conducted with representatives of 15 community-based organizations, including shelters and other homeless service providers. Results Qualitative content analysis revealed myriad challenges at the individual and interpersonal levels faced by people experiencing homelessness as a result of the pandemic, and multilevel responses for COVID-19 impact mitigation in this community. Many of the emergency measures put in place by homeless service providers in Tippecanoe County, Indiana created opportunities for innovative solutions to longstanding challenges faced by homeless populations that are informing better service delivery moving forward, even beyond the COVID-19 pandemic. Conclusions Community-based organizations, including homeless shelters, are uniquely qualified to inform pandemic response and disaster risk mitigation in order to respond appropriately to the specific needs of people experiencing homelessness. The lessons learned and shared by homeless service providers on the frontline during the COVID-19 pandemic have important implications to improve future disaster response for homeless and other vulnerable populations.

This paper examines how physicians' beliefs about risk factors for cervical cancer compare with Mexican and Salvadoran immigrant women's views (hereafter Latina immigrants). Between August 15, 1991 and August 15, 1992, we conducted ethnographic interviews with 39 Mexican immigrant women, 28 Salvadoran immigrant women, and 30 physicians in northern Orange County, California. Physicians and Latina immigrants converge on their beliefs that sexual behavior is a predominant risk factor for cervical cancer. They diverge, however, on their reasons. Latina immigrants' perceptions of health risks are embedded in a larger set of cultural values centering around gender relations, sexuality, and morality. Latina immigrants also emphasized men's behavior as risk factors. Physicians' views, on the other hand, are largely based on the epidemiology of cervical cancer risk factors. They emphasized beginning sexual relations at an early age, multiple sexual partners, and infection with sexually transmitted viruses. Some physicians, however, displayed moral interpretations of the sex-based risk factors for cervical cancer through the use of the culturally-loaded term "promiscuous" in place of "multiple sexual partners," through specific references to morality, and through characterizations of women at risk for cervical cancer. Both the physicians and the Latina immigrants in our study paid considerably less attention to sodoeconomic factors. Our results have important implications for physicians who provide health care for Latina immigrants. Physicians should be clear to point out that women need not be "promiscuous" to get cervical cancer.

Objective: To evaluate knowledge and attitudes about breast cancer risk factors among Latinas, Anglo-American women, and physicians.Design: Ethnographic interviews employing systematic data collection methods.Participants: Twenty-eight Salvadoran immigrants, 39 Mexican immigrants, 27 Chicanas, and 27 Anglo-American women selected through an organizationbased network sampling and a convenience sample of 30 primary care physicians in Orange County, Calif. Main Outcome Measures and Results: Data analysis using qualitative content analysis and quantitative cultural consensus analysis, a mathematical technique that determines the degree of shared knowledge within groups and estimates "culturally correct" answers (cultural models), was employed. The content analysis revealed different beliefs about breast cancer risk factors, particularly between the Latinas and the physicians. The cultural consensus analysis found two broad cultural models (defined as groups with ratios between the first and second eigenvalues of \m=ge\3and no negative competency scores). A Latina model (ratio=3.4), formed by the Salvadorans, Mexicans, and Chicanas, emphasized breast trauma and "bad" behaviors, including drinking alcohol and using illegal drugs as risk factors. A biomedical model (ra-tio=3.0), embraced by physicians and Anglo-American women, emphasized risk factors described in the medical literature, such as family history and age. Within these broad models, each group of respondents also differed enough in their beliefs to form their own, often stronger, cultural models.Conclusions: Ethnography can provide important insights about culturally based knowledge and attitudes about disease. An understanding of the distinctive cultural models regarding breast cancer risk factors will aid future cancer control interventions.

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