With the expansion of access to HIV testing and antiretroviral therapy in sub-Saharan Africa, questions have emerged if stigma remains a useful concept for understanding the effects of AIDS. There is, however, a paucity of research on how HIV-positive Africans-especially African men -experience living with AIDS. This paper addresses this gap and draws on findings from ethnographic fieldwork in 2004 and 2009 with a support group for HIV-positive men in Kampala, Uganda. The paper demonstrates that stigma is central to how men in this context coped with HIV and AIDS, and it provides a conceptual framework that links men's experiences of AIDS stigma to conceptions of masculinity. In so doing, findings highlight both the possibilities and challenges of involving African men more fully in HIV prevention.

While much emphasis has been placed on involving men in AIDS prevention in sub-Saharan Africa, there remain few rigorously evaluated interventions in this area. A particularly appealing point of intervention is the sexual risk behavior associated with men’s alcohol consumption. This article reports the outcomes of The Sahwira HIV Prevention Program, a male-focused, peer-based intervention promoting the idea that men can assist their friends in avoiding high-risk sexual encounters associated with alcohol drinking. The intervention was evaluated in a randomized, controlled trial (RCT) implemented in 24 beer halls in Harare, Zimbabwe. A cadre of 413 male beer hall patrons (~20% of the patronage) was trained to assist their male peers within their friendship networks. Activities included one-on-one interactions, small group discussions, and educational events centering on the theme of men helping their male friends avoid risk. Venues were randomized into 12 control versus 12 intervention beer halls with little cross-contamination between study arms. The penetration and impact of the intervention were assessed by pre- and post-intervention cross-sectional surveys of the beer hall patronage. The intervention was implemented with a high degree of fidelity to the protocol, with exposure to the intervention activities significantly higher among intervention patrons compared to control. While we found generally declining levels of risk behavior in both study arms from baseline to post-intervention, we found no evidence of an impact of the intervention on our primary outcome measure: episodes of unprotected sex with non-wife partners in the preceding 6 months (median 5.4 episodes for men at intervention beer halls vs. 5.1 among controls, P = 0.98). There was also no evidence that the intervention reduced other risks for HIV. It remains an imperative to find ways to productively engage men in AIDS prevention, especially in those venues where male bonding, alcohol consumption, and sexual risk behavior are intertwined.

Across the African continent, women's rights have become integral to international declarations, regional treaties, national legislation, and grassroots activism. Yet there is little research on how African men have understood these shifts, and how African masculinities are implicated in such changes. Drawing on a year of ethnographic research in the Ugandan capital Kampala, this article investigates how ordinary men and women in Uganda understand women's rights, and how their attitudes are tied to local conceptions of masculinity. I argue that a new configuration of gender relations is evident in urban Uganda-one that accommodates some aspects of women's rights while retaining previous notions of innate male authority. This article, therefore, illustrates the complex and often contradictory engagements with human rights that occur in local contexts, and how such engagements are shaped by gender relations, including conceptions of masculinity. Keywordswomen's rights; human rights; masculinity; Africa; Uganda In the last two decades, notions of inalienable human rights have reshaped the political landscapes of countries throughout the developing world. The human rights paradigm has been mobilized to address a range of contemporary inequities, including the vagaries of neoliberal globalization, the excesses of authoritarian states, and the impact of new forms of cultural and religious fundamentalism. Women's rights activists have been at the center of the revitalization of human rights, struggling to address gender inequity across cultures without lapsing into misguided essentializing. Through participatory, inclusive organizing, the global women's movement has advanced an approach to human rights that moves beyond "the doomed duality of homogenizing universalism and paralyzing particularism" (Desai 1996, 116).By forging multidirectional connections between North and South, the global and the local, women's rights activists have demonstrated the utility of human rights in a wide range of contexts (Tripp 2006). The success of this movement is evident in new institutions, legal mechanisms, and global norms focused on gender equality, leading Kardam (2004) to suggest that a "global gender equality regime" has emerged. While transnational women's organizing faces challenges on many fronts (Desai 1996(Desai , 2007 Yuval-Davis 2006), the global women's movement has nonetheless transformed human rights discourse, making it central to struggles for equality and justice around the globe.These changes are evident across the African continent, where the language of human rights has become integral to international declarations, regional treaties, national legislation, and

In a survey of 1,313 men reporting on 2,465 partnerships recruited at beer halls in Harare, Zimbabwe, 2.5% met a definition of "sugar daddy": men with a non-marital partner at least 10 years younger and under 20 years old, and exchanged cash or goods for sex. Men engaging in intergenerational sex with a teenage woman had similar HIV prevalence, incomes, and condom use as men in other partnerships. Most men (62.3%) had partners 5 or more years younger, with wider age gaps in longer-term relationships. Condom use was less common within married and steady partnerships compared to casual and more common with younger women. The most common form of intergenerational sex, with the widest age gap and lowest condom use, occurs within marriages and steady partnerships. Such "conventional" intergenerational sex may play the pivotal role in sustaining a generalized epidemic across generations and present the most difficult challenge to prevention.