One of the most significant and unexpected developments in Latin America during the past 10 years is the emergence of parties organized around indigenous identity. The authors use subnational data from six South American countries (Bolivia, Chile, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Venezuela) to examine the factors responsible for the variation in the emergence and performance of indigenous peoples’ political parties in the region. Using a pooled cross-sectional twin snapshot analysis, the authors find that although indigenous party formation is the result of favorable institutional, demographic, and political conditions, such as permissive electoral rules, optimal indigenous population size, and a regional diffusion effect with respect to indigenous activism, enhanced electoral performance of these parties is determined by structural and political conditions, including higher rates of poverty and less salient class-based identities, in addition to the favorable conditions mentioned above.

To predict the electoral fate of the new cohort of indigenous-based political parties in Latin America, and the impacts on their respective party systems, we need to understand their prospects for consolidation. The central task of this article is to determine whether indigenous peoples’ parties are developing solid party roots in society or if they are merely benefiting from a protest vote against the system. The study of political party consolidation requires an examination of local level successes and failures. Based on a quantitative analysis of municipal election results in Ecuador (1996—2004) and Bolivia (1999—2004), the author finds mixed support for indigenous party consolidation. Clearly, the governing indigenous-based Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party in Bolivia has solidified its base of support. Ecuador’s indigenous-based Pachakutik (MUPP) party, however, has lost its support at the national level, though it continues to make impressive gains at the local level. As such, it represents a case of incomplete consolidation.

This paper analyzes the successes, failures, and lessons learned from the innovative experiments in decolonization that are currently underway in Bolivia and Nunavut, Canada. Bolivia and Nunavut are the first large-scale tests of Indigenous governance in the Americas. In both cases, Indigenous peoples are a marginalized majority who have recently assumed power by way of democratic mechanisms. In Bolivia, the inclusion of direct, participatory, and communitarian elements into the democratic system, has dramatically improved representation for Indigenous peoples. In Nunavut, the Inuit have also opted to pursue self-determination through a public government system rather than through an Inuit-specific self-government arrangement. The Nunavut government seeks to incorporate Inuit values, beliefs, and worldviews into a Canadian system of government. In both cases, the conditions for success are far from ideal. Significant social, economic, and institutional problems continue to plague the new governments of Bolivia and Nunavut. Based on original research in Bolivia and Nunavut, the paper finds that important democratic gains have been made. I argue that the emergence of new mechanisms for Indigenous and popular participation has the potential to strengthen democracy by enhancing or stretching liberal democratic conceptions and expectations. ResumenEste artículo analiza los éxitos, fracasos y lecciones aprendidas de los innovadores experimentos de descolonización que se están llevando a cabo actualmente en Bolivia y Nunavut, Canadá. Bolivia y Nunavut son los primeros experimentos de gobernanza indígena a gran escala en las Américas. En ambos casos, los pueblos indígenas son mayorías marginadas que recientemente han asumido el poder por medio de mecanismos democráticos. En Bolivia, la inclusión de elementos directos, participativos y comunitarios en el sistema democrático ha mejorado dramáticamente la representación de los pueblos indígenas. En Nunavut, los inuit también han optado por gestionar la autodeterminación a través de un sistema de gobierno público en lugar de un acuerdo de autogobierno específicamente inuit. El gobierno de Nunavut intenta incorporar valores, creencias y visiones del mundo inuit en el sistema de gobierno canadiense. En ambos casos, las condiciones para el éxito están lejos de ser ideales. Considerables problemas sociales, económicos e institucionales siguen afectando a los nuevos gobiernos de Bolivia y Nunavut. Pese a ello, y en base a investigaciones realizadas en Bolivia y Nunavut, el artículo da cuenta de importantes ganancias democráticas y propone que el surgimiento de nuevos mecanismos para la participación indígena y popular tiene el potencial de fortalecer la democracia al ampliar las concepciones y expectativas democráticas liberales. Palabras claves democracia diversificadora, experimentos descolonizadores en Bolivia y Nunavut, gobernanza de recursos, gobernanza participativa, movimiento indígena inuit

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