From the ground up: The challenge of indigenous party consolidation in Latin America

Abstract

To predict the electoral fate of the new cohort of indigenous-based political parties in Latin America, and the impacts on their respective party systems, we need to understand their prospects for consolidation. The central task of this article is to determine whether indigenous peoples’ parties are developing solid party roots in society or if they are merely benefiting from a protest vote against the system. The study of political party consolidation requires an examination of local level successes and failures. Based on a quantitative analysis of municipal election results in Ecuador (1996—2004) and Bolivia (1999—2004), the author finds mixed support for indigenous party consolidation. Clearly, the governing indigenous-based Movement Toward Socialism (MAS) party in Bolivia has solidified its base of support. Ecuador’s indigenous-based Pachakutik (MUPP) party, however, has lost its support at the national level, though it continues to make impressive gains at the local level. As such, it represents a case of incomplete consolidation.

‘We were forgotten’: explaining ethnic voting in Bolivia’s highlands and lowlands

“…Indigenous peoples in Bolivia and Latin America have been historically excluded from political representation and socially and economically marginalised. Representation of their ethnic identities at the political level and their recognition at the social level are great motives for ethnic voting, according to the identity theory (Rice 2011;Van Cott 2000).…”

“…It has mainly taken political parties rather than voters into account (Birnir 2004;Madrid 2012;Martí i Puig 2008;Van Cott 2003). Scholars who did analyse indigenous voters' preferences have either considered them as a homogenous unit (Rice 2011) or described their electoral differences while not attempting to explain them (Guzmán Prudencio 2014). In contrast, this article focuses on voters by analysing variation in electoral choice across ethnic groups and takes into account the heterogeneity of Bolivia's indigenous peoples.…”

The Federal Dilemma: Organisational Strategies and the Consolidation of Parties in Mexico and Argentina

“…These three territorial organisational strategies generate different results in terms of the prospective chances for party consolidation. Party consolidation is here understood in terms of three definitional dimensions that are mutually sufficient: ‘a political party can be considered consolidated if it has: (a) an identifiable voting base (party roots); (b) becomes well‐known, if not universally accepted (legitimacy); and develops into (c) an independent structure as opposed to a personalist vehicle (organisational structure)’ (Rice, : 173). A metropolitan strategy may contribute to make a party well‐known (first definitional dimension), and a district‐based strategy may cement a solid voting base (second definitional dimension).…”

“…Each strategy prompts different results in terms of party consolidation. A consolidated party is an organisation independent from a personal leader, well‐known, and with a solid voting base (Rice, ). Thus, while a metropolitan strategy allows parties to become well‐known, and a district‐based one helps them to secure a voting base, only a federalist strategy allows parties to achieve both as well as to establish an organisation that transcends its leader.…”

Between Interculturalism and Ethnocentrism: Local Government and the Indigenous Movement in Otavalo‐Ecuador

“…This is a reflection of centuries of exclusion and frustrated expectations. Such a dilemma is particularly delicate in municipalities with an indigenous minority or with only a slight majority in population, as the mayor will understandably be under greater pressure to consider demands of non‐indigenous groups, and likewise to establish alliances beyond the ethnic boundaries (see also Rice, 2009). The intercultural dilemma is a multifaceted expression of how the mobilisation conditions change for the indigenous movement.…”