U tekstu se razmatraju kratkoročne i dugoročne posledice COVID-19 epidemije po ljude širom sveta. U mnogim društvima su zbog zdravstvene opasnosti vlade intervenisale ograničavanjem osnovnih ljudskih prava. Usled ovakvih promena, privreda je doživela krizu čije efekte mnogi porede sa ekonomskom depresijom iz prošlog veka. U suočavanju sa novonastalim problemima, mnoge države su sprovele mere karantina i zatvorile svoje granice. Odgovor na probleme nije pokazao međunarodnu solidarnost već državocentričnost. U tekstu se najpre razmatra šta su modernim društvima donele stare protivepidemijske mere kojima se moralo pribeći u sprečavanju širenja epidemije. Nakon toga sledi pokušaj prognoziranja mogućih dugoročnih posledice po funkcionisanje društvenih struktura i državnih sistema. Budući da države povećavaju kontrolu i penetraciju u sferu svakodnevnog života svojih građana, u čemu im u značajnoj meri pomažu i nove tehnologije, može se očekivati nastavljanje ovakvog trenda. Građani će, sa svoje strane, pružiti podršku sprovođenju ovakve kontrole u zamenu za osećaj sigurnosti. Dugoročno, ovakvi procesi ukazuju na mogućnost da države iz ove krize izaću jače, iako se doskora mislilo da su pod udarom globalizacije oslabile.

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The paper discusses how war veterans perceive themselves and how they answer the question "Who am I?". War veterans face many challenges in the process of re-socialization from a state of war and war traumatization to a peacetime society. There are several reasons why their re-socialization is a slow process: the first one is that a war engagement is in itself a highly stressful situation which carries traumas of different degrees, the other reason is the changed system of values in relation to war engagement. Namely, at the time they went to war, they had a strong social support, but at the time of their return and today this support is lost to the point of judgment. And the third reason which limits their re-socialization is the situation of social transition they found on their return from war, which specifically means that a large percentage of the population in general, and thus the war veterans after returning from the war, lost their jobs, creating a large social group of "transition losers". Such a condition often generates an identity crisis. This set of socio-cultural circumstances together with the ontological insecurity carried by war trauma generate an identity crisis, which is manifested among the respondents in nihilistic answers when responding to questions about their own personality. Studying the identity of war veterans, it was found that a strong attachment to the veteran identity is dominant. In fact, this paper discusses the different ways in which this attachment is refracted in the personality and identity of subjects, from negative attitudes to the pride in belonging to a group of war veterans and personal fulfillment in the activism in associations of war participants.

The fighters of the People's Liberation War (PLW) enjoyed the social prestige and the monuments of the killed fighters served the role of the ideological interests of the ruling class at the time. The aim of this paper is to show the link between the alive social actors and the chosen dead ones (fighters of the PLW, partisans) through the use of the anthropological anxiety of the cessation of life through metaphorical immortality and eternal memory. Essentially, this was the illusion for ideological foundation, special thematic and ideological orientation of sculptures within the public space. Via symbolic contents, such as monuments in this case, death is shown as the transition, that is, new beginning of life and not its end. Active involvement of a number of artists from all parts of former Yugoslavia within the units of the Partisan army in the PLW is the phenomenon which unequivocally testifies about the link of their political commitment and artistic creation, which also got particularly strong momentum immediately after the Liberation. The most important social task in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY) was nurturing of the revolutionary tradition, especially seen in the erection of memorials, then in (re)naming of the towns with Tito's name or the names of the local heroes, as well as streets, schools, factories, but also in organizing marches to places where the famous battles and Partisan sessions during the PLW occurred, etc. This paper, among other things, deals with extremely fruitful production of the sculptors in the liberated country, especially from the aspect of extensive social orders, which at the same time encouraged and enabled fast and diverse development of the public monuments within urban areas on the ground of the whole former Yugoslavia, whose modus operandi was reshaping of the political and ideological map of The New Yugoslavia and ideological and political battle with "relapses of the past".