In this article, we discuss findings from an ethnographic study in which we explored experiences of access to primary care services from the perspective of Aboriginal people seeking care at an emergency department (ED) located in a large Canadian city. Data were collected over 20 months of immersion in the ED, and included participant observation and in-depth interviews with 44 patients triaged as stable and nonurgent, most of whom were living in poverty and residing in the inner city. Three themes in the findings are discussed: (a) anticipating providers' assumptions; (b) seeking help for chronic pain; and (c) use of the ED as a reflection of social suffering. Implications of these findings are discussed in relation to the role of the ED as well as the broader primary care sector in responding to the needs of patients affected by poverty, racialization, and other forms of disadvantage.
The major purpose of this paper is to examine how 'race' and racialization operate in health care. To do so, we draw upon data from an ethnographic study that examines the complex issues surrounding health care access for Aboriginal people in an urban center in Canada. In our analysis, we strategically locate our critical examination of racialization in the 'tension of difference' between two emerging themes, namely the health care rhetoric of 'treating everyone the same,' and the perception among many Aboriginal patients that they were 'being treated differently' by health care providers because of their identity as Aboriginal people, and because of their low socio-economic status. Contrary to the prevailing discourse of egalitarianism that paints health care and other major institutions as discrimination-free, we argue that 'race' matters in health care as it intersects with other social categories including class, substance use, and history to organize inequitable access to health and health care for marginalized populations. Specifically, we illustrate how the ideological process of racialization can shape the ways that health care providers 'read' and interact with Aboriginal patients, and how some Aboriginal patients avoid seeking health care based on their expectation of being treated differently. We conclude by urging those of us in positions of influence in health care, including doctors and nurses, to critically reflect upon our own positionality and how we might be complicit in perpetuating social inequities by avoiding a critical discussion of racialization.
In this article, we draw on findings from an ethnographic study that explored experiences of healthcare access from the perspectives of Indigenous and non-Indigenous patients seeking services at the non-urgent division of an urban emergency department (ED) in Canada. Our aim is to critically examine the notion of 'underclassism' within the context of healthcare in urban centres. Specifically, we discuss some of the processes by which patients experiencing poverty and racialisation are constructed as 'underclass' patients, and how assumptions of those patients as social and economic Other (including being seen as 'drug users' and 'welfare dependents') subject them to marginalisation, discrimination, and inequitable treatment within the healthcare system. We contend that healthcare is not only a clinical space; it is also a social space in which unequal power relations along the intersecting axes of 'race' and class are negotiated. Given the largely invisible roles that healthcare plays in controlling access to resources and power for people who are marginalised, we argue that there is an urgent need to improve healthcare inequities by challenging the taken-for-granted assumption that healthcare is equally accessible for all Canadians irrespective of differences in social and economic positioning.
Pink salmon, Oncorhynchus gorbuscha, are the most abundant wild salmon species and are thought of as an indicator of ecosystem health. The salmon louse, Lepeophtheirus salmonis, is endemic to pink salmon habitat but these ectoparasites have been implicated in reducing local pink salmon populations in the Broughton Archipelago, British Columbia. This allegation arose largely because juvenile pink salmon migrate past commercial open net salmon farms, which are known to incubate the salmon louse. Juvenile pink salmon are thought to be especially sensitive to this ectoparasite because they enter the sea at such a small size (approx. 0.2 g). Here, we describe how 'no effect' thresholds for salmon louse sublethal impacts on juvenile pink salmon were determined using physiological principles. These data were accepted by environmental managers and are being used to minimize the impact of salmon aquaculture on wild pink salmon populations.
Sea lice ( Lepeophtheirus salmonis ) infection negatively affected swimming performance and postswim body ion concentrations of juvenile pink salmon ( Oncorhynchus gorbuscha ) at a 0.34 g average body mass but not at 1.1 g. Maximum swimming velocity (Umax) was measured on over 350 individual pink salmon (0.2–3.0 g), two-thirds of which had a sea lice infection varying in intensity (one to three sea lice per fish) and life stage (chalimus 1 to preadult). For fish averaging 0.34 g (caught in a nearby river free of sea lice and transferred to seawater before being experimentally infected), the significant reduction in Umax was dependent on sea lice life stage, not intensity, and Umax decreased only after the chalimus 2 life stage. Experimental infections also significantly elevated postswim whole body concentrations of sodium (by 23%–28%) and chloride (by 22%–32%), but independent of sea lice developmental stage or infection intensity. For fish averaging 1.1 g (captured in seawater with existing sea lice), the presence of sea lice had no significant effect on either Umax or postswim whole body ions. Thus, a single L. salmonis impacted swimming performance and postswim whole body ions of only the smallest pink salmon and with a sea louse stage of chalimus 3 or greater.
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