Children (0-18 years) with maltreatment histories are vulnerable to experiencing difficulties across multiple domains of functioning, including educational outcomes that encompass not only academic achievement but also mental well-being. The current literature review adopted Slade and Wissow's model to examine (1) the link between childhood maltreatment and academic achievement, (2) the link between childhood maltreatment and mental health outcomes (i.e., emotional and behavioral difficulties), and (3) the bidirectional relationship between childhood academic achievement and mental health. In addition, we reviewed variables that might influence or help explain the link between childhood maltreatment and educational outcomes, drawing on developmental perspectives and Bronfenbrenner's ecological model. Finally, whenever possible, we presented findings specific to maltreated children in out-of-home care to highlight the unique challenges experienced by this population. Results indicated that children with maltreatment histories often experience impairments in both their academic performance (e.g., special education, grade retention, lower grades) and mental well-being (e.g., anxiety, low mood, aggression, social skills deficits, poor interpersonal relationships). These impairments appeared to be particularly pronounced among maltreated children in out-of-home care. Findings, albeit sparse, also indicated that mental health difficulties are negatively associated with children's academic achievement and, similarly, that academic achievement deficits are linked with mental health problems. The link between childhood maltreatment and educational outcomes may be partly explained through the disruption of key developmental processes in children, such as attachment, emotion regulation, and sense of agency. As well, maltreatment characteristics and the functioning of various systems in which children are embedded (e.g., family, school, child welfare) can serve to positively or negatively influence the educational outcomes of maltreated children. The theoretical, research, and applied implications stemming from the findings are considered.

Using a retrospective design, we examined verbal and physical child-to-parent violence (CPV) in terms of frequency and family correlates. Results from 365 university students revealed low frequencies of CPV, with higher means for child-to-mother violence. Regressions showed that ethnicity (African-Canadian and Middle Eastern) and, surprisingly, lower positive discipline were associated with less verbal CPV for both parents. Greater psychological aggression predicted greater mother-directed verbal violence, whereas more spanking, and the presence of child physical abuse and physical intimate partner violence were associated with motherdirected physical violence. Finally, verbal intimate partner violence between parents predicted children's verbal violence towards mothers and fathers. Findings indicate that certain variables may place families at risk for CPV and, in this way, help inform interventions.

No abstract

No abstract

Corporal punishment is a controversial form of discipline. Although its prevalence appears high, legal reforms and public education efforts to limit corporal punishment may be resulting in a decrease in its prevalence and frequency of use. This study drew on Canadian nationally representative data to understand the social change that might be happening and to characterize parents who continue to use corporal punishment. The study relied on cross-sectional data from Cycles 1 (1994) to 8 (2008) of the Canadian National Longitudinal Survey of Children and Youth to examine parental reports of corporal punishment for children ages 2–11 years. Analyses were conducted separately for 2- to 5-, 6- to 9-, and 10- to 11-year-olds, and sociodemographics associated with corporal punishment were examined. A significant decrease in the prevalence and frequency of corporal punishment use was observed across time for all age groups. Child sex, parent age, employment status, family structure, household size, immigration status, ethnicity, and religion significantly distinguished parents who use corporal punishment from those who do not, but there was variability across the age groups. Effect sizes question the relevance of the observed decrease in corporal punishment from an applied perspective. Approximately 25% of Canadian parents still use corporal punishment with children ages 2–11 years; therefore, it remains an issue that merits continued attention. Certain child, parent, and family characteristics seem to characterize parents who use corporal punishment, but other more dynamic variables may be important to consider, such as parental stress and their attitudes toward corporal punishment.