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Adults’ body representation is constrained by multisensory information and knowledge of the body such as its possible postures. This study (N = 180) tested for similar constraints in children. Using the rubber hand illusion with adults and 6- to 7-year-olds, we measured proprioceptive drift (an index of hand localisation) and ratings of felt hand ownership. The fake hand was either congruent or incongruent with the participant’s own. Across ages, congruency of posture and visual-tactile congruency yielded greater drift towards the fake hand. Ownership ratings were higher with congruent visual-tactile information, but unaffected by posture. Posture constrains body representation similarly in children and adults, suggesting that children have sensitive, robust mechanisms for maintaining a sense of bodily self.
Adults’ body representation is constrained by multisensory information and knowledge of the body such as its possible postures. This study (N = 180) tested for similar constraints in children. Using the rubber hand illusion with adults and 6‐ to 7‐year olds, we measured proprioceptive drift (an index of hand localization) and ratings of felt hand ownership. The fake hand was either congruent or incongruent with the participant’s own. Across ages, congruency of posture and visual–tactile congruency yielded greater drift toward the fake hand. Ownership ratings were higher with congruent visual–tactile information, but unaffected by posture. Posture constrains body representation similarly in children and adults, suggesting that children have sensitive, robust mechanisms for maintaining a sense of bodily self.
Spatial memory is an important aspect of adaptive behavior and experience, providing both content and context to the perceptions and memories that we form in everyday life. Young children's abilities in this realm shift from mainly egocentric (self-based) to include allocentric (world-based) codings at around 4 years of age. However, information about the cognitive mechanisms underlying acquisition of these new abilities is still lacking. We examined allocentric spatial recall in 4.5- to 8.5-year-olds, looking for continuity with navigation as previously studied in 2- to 4-year-olds and other species. We specifically predicted an advantage for three-dimensional landmarks over two-dimensional ones and for recalling targets "in the middle" versus elsewhere. However, we did not find compelling evidence for either of these effects, and indeed some analyses even support the opposite of each of these conclusions. There were also no significant interactions with age. These findings highlight the incompleteness of our overall theories of the development of spatial cognition in general and allocentric spatial recall in particular. They also suggest that allocentric spatial recall involves processes that have separate behavioral characteristics from other cognitive systems involved in navigation earlier in life and in other species.
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