The purpose of this study was to examine the extent to which working memory resources are recruited during statistical learning (SL). Participants were asked to identify novel words in an artificial speech stream where the transitional probabilities between syllables provided the only segmentation cue. Experiments 1 and 2 demonstrated that segmentation performance improved when the speech rate was slowed down, suggesting that SL is supported by some form of active processing or maintenance mechanism that operates more effectively under slower presentation rates. In Experiment 3 we investigated the nature of this mechanism by asking participants to perform a two-back task while listening to the speech stream. Half of the participants performed a two-back rhyme task designed to engage phonological processing, whereas the other half performed a comparable two-back task on un-nameable visual shapes. It was hypothesized that if SL is dependent only upon domain-specific processes (i.e., phonological rehearsal), the rhyme task should impair speech segmentation performance more than the shape task. However, the two loads were equally disruptive to learning, as they both eradicated the benefit provided by the slow rate. These results suggest that SL is supported by working-memory processes that rely on domain-general resources.

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Statistical learning (SL) is a powerful learning mechanism that supports word segmentation and language acquisition in infants and young adults. However, little is known about how this ability changes over the life span and interacts with age-related cognitive decline. The aims of this study were to: (a) examine the effect of aging on speech segmentation by SL, and (b) explore core mechanisms underlying SL. Across four testing sessions, young, middle-aged, and older adults were exposed to continuous speech streams at two different speech rates, both with and without cognitive load. Learning was assessed using a two-alterative forced-choice task in which words from the stream were pitted against either part-words, which occurred across word boundaries in the stream, or nonwords, which never appeared in the stream. Participants also completed a battery of cognitive tests assessing working memory and executive functions. The results showed that speech segmentation by SL was remarkably resilient to aging, although age effects were visible in the more challenging conditions, namely, when words had to be discriminated from part-words, which required the formation of detailed phonological representations, and when SL was performed under cognitive load. Moreover, an analysis of the cognitive test data indicated that performance against part-words was predicted mostly by memory updating, whereas performance against nonwords was predicted mostly by working memory storage capacity. Taken together, the data show that SL relies on a combination of implicit and explicit skills, and that age effects on SL are likely to be linked to an age-related selective decline in memory updating.

Performing a secondary task while listening to speech has a detrimental effect on speech processing, but the locus of the disruption within the speech system is poorly understood. Recent research has shown that cognitive load imposed by a concurrent visual task increases dependency on lexical knowledge during speech processing, but it does not affect lexical activation per se. This suggests that "lexical drift" under cognitive load occurs either as a post-lexical bias at the decisional level or as a secondary consequence of reduced perceptual sensitivity. This study aimed to adjudicate between these alternatives using a forced-choice task that required listeners to identify noise-degraded spoken words with or without the addition of a concurrent visual task. Adding cognitive load increased the likelihood that listeners would select a word acoustically similar to the target even though its frequency was lower than that of the target. Thus, there was no evidence that cognitive load led to a high-frequency response bias. Rather, cognitive load seems to disrupt sublexical encoding, possibly by impairing perceptual acuity at the auditory periphery.

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