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This article explores the ways in which the contemporary women's movement in South Africa has been shaped by its own recent history as well as by the changes in the political landscape since 1994. The article argues that the striking feature of the past decade is the manner in which the strategy of inclusion of women in formal political institutions of state and party has tended to displace the transformatory goals of structural and social change. Both goals, of inclusion and transformation, were held to be mutually dependent by women's movement activists throughout the 1980s and 1990s. However, the article shows that maintaining the strategic balance between these goals has been difficult to achieve, in large part because the women's movement has been relatively weak, apart from a brief moment in the early 1990s. The argument outlines the theoretical and strategic debates relating to definitions of the term 'women's movement' in South Africa, and then identifies and classifies different forms of organizations and strategies. Finally, the article argues that the realization of gender equality rests on the extent to which a strong women's movement will develop, with a clear agenda for transformation and relative autonomy from both state and other social movements.This article seeks to understand the ways in which the contemporary women's movement in South Africa has been shaped by its own recent history as well as by the changes in the political landscape since 1994. Within this landscape of democracy, I am centrally concerned with exploring the voices in which women's organizations are speaking, and the strategies they have employed to negotiate power and interests vis-à-vis the state and other social movements (that is, the spaces occupied by the women's movement and the hierarchies within it). Drawing on a larger body of research (Hassim, 2005;, I argue that the striking feature of the past decade is the manner in which the strategy of inclusion of women in formal political institutions of state and party has

The past decade has witnessed a renewed interest in social policies, and some governments have increased social spending to soften the impacts of economic reform. These changes have come in the wake of widespread realization of the failure of the neoliberal economic model to generate economic growth and dynamism, and to reduce poverty. At the same time, processes of political liberalization have opened spaces for social movements in many parts of the developing world to articulate demands for more effective social policies that mitigate the effects of market failures and reduce inequalities. These contestations have coincided with a rediscovery of 'the social' in the policy oriented literature, widely understood to embrace the cluster of social and political institutions, norms, and relationships that define the boundaries of market exchange, reduce transaction costs and enhance social and political stability. Polanyi's (1957) seminal work that showed the market to be a political and social construct is widely _________ * We thank Alexandra Efthymiades for excellent research assistance, James Heintz for the preparation of tables, and Francie Lund and Silke Steinhilber for extensive comments on an earlier draft of this chapter.

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