This paper is concerned with the interconnections between gender inequality and maternal deprivation, on the one hand, and the health of children (of either sex) and of adults that the children grow into (again, of either sex). The basic message of the paper is that women's deprivation in terms of nutrition and healthcare rebounds on the society as a whole in the form of ill-health of their offspring-males and females alike-both as children and as adults. There are a variety of pathways through which women's deprivation can affect the health of the society as a whole. This paper focuses on the pathways that operate through undernourishment of the mother. Maternal deprivation adversely affects the health of the fetus, which in turn leads to long-term health risks that extend not just into childhood but into adulthood as well. There are, however, important differences in the way children and adults experience the consequences of maternal deprivation via fetal deprivation. In particular, the pathways that lead to their respective risk factors and the circumstances under which those risk factors actually translate into ill-health are very different. These differences are best understood through the concept of 'overlapping health transition' in which two different regimes of diseases coexist side by side. Gender inequality exacerbates the old regime of diseases among the less affluent through the pathway of childhood undernutrition. At the same time it also exacerbates the new regime of diseases among the relatively more affluent through a pathway that has come to be known as the 'Barker hypothesis'. Gender inequality thus leads to a double jeopardy-simultaneously aggravating both regimes of diseases and thus raising the economic cost of overlapping health transition.
This article seeks to derive some general lessons regarding the relationship between growth and welfarism by undertaking a reassessment of Sri Lanka's long experience with interventions in social spheres. While Sri Lanka has been hailed by many for pursuing the welfarist strategy with apparently spectacular results, several critics have recently suggested that she would have been better off by diverting resources away from welfare interventions towards investment for growth. They have argued that the interventions were not terribly effective anyway, and further that welfarism involved a conflict with growth which eventually undermined the very sustainability of welfarist strategy. This article contests these criticisms, and argues in its turn that the Sri Lankan experience offers a lesson not in the conflict but in the complementarity between growth and welfarism.
This paper explores the conceptual connections between poverty and human rights through the lens of the capability approach. The concept of capability can be seen as the bridge that links poverty with human rights because it plays a foundational role in the characterisation of both poverty and human rights. Once this common foundation is noted, poverty can be defined as denial of human rights. Furthermore, the capability approach also helps us to address the question of whether just any denial of human right should count as poverty or whether there should be some restriction in this regard admitting only certain cases of denial of human of rights into the domain but not others. The capability perspective suggests that the domain should indeed be restricted in some well-defined ways. Finally, the paper argues that such restriction of domain need not be inconsistent with the principle of indivisibility of human rights.Poverty, Human rights, Capability,
This chapter argues that many of the policy debates arising from the recent nutrition controversies are ‘a classic case of much ado about nothing’. The difficulties associated with the traditional dietary approach to undernutrition-measurement using the average requirement as the cut-off norm are: intraindividual variation in requirement arising from adaptation in physical growth, interindividual variation in requirement due to genetic differences, and variation in requirement due to differing conditions of environmental hygiene, all leading to the misclassification of the undernourished. However, the appropriateness of an average norm as a method of measuring poverty depends on the conceptual foundations of poverty, opulence, or capability. For the capability approach, anthropometry has been an uncertain indicator due to lack of required information. This chapter suggests supplementary feeding programmes for wasted children and a simultaneous focus on entitlement to food and entitlement to hygiene as a policy priority.
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