The relationship between start-up rates and regional economic development has been studied rather extensively in recent years. Dynamics in start-up rates have however received considerably less attention. In this paper we analyze the persistence of start-up rates across Swedish regions over a decade and analyze the sources of persistence. We find overall persistence in start-up rates. Start-up rates of a decade earlier are able to explain over 40 % of the variation in current start-up rates across regions. The paper introduces and tests two mechanisms that can account for persistence in start-up rates across regions: (i) path-dependence in start-up activity, such that there is a response mechanism between previous and current start-up activity and (ii) spatially 'sticky' and durable determinants of start-ups. A dynamic panel analysis applying the system GMM estimator of lagged start-up rates on current start-up rates, confirms that persistence in start-up activity can be explained by both effects. Using transition probability analysis and quantile regression techniques, we also show that there is a regional dimension in persistence.
Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in AbstractThis paper investigates how the global discourse on creative economy is interpreted in a developing country context, and in particular the case of Indonesia. We accomplish this by examining how this discourse is institutionalized in several cities. We found that the discourse is interpreted differently across localities. Bandung appears as a special case of the knowledge-based creative industry development, as it is strongly supported by academia and communities who really wanted to experiment with this policy narrative. The Bandung case also provides an insight that the creative economy, as a relatively new idea, develops not only as a discourse, but also as a workable framework for development policies. Meanwhile, other cities seem to pragmatically rebrand the policy to drive economic development, without considering the local contexts, whereby traditional cultural industries are rebranded as creative industries, although they hardly perform new knowledge learning and innovation.Apart from this, as we learn from Bandung there are possibilities for a developing country like Indonesia to foster the creative economy by reshaping local institutions that will support successful experimentation with this new policy idea.
Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in AbstractMany regions across the EU, including the Netherlands, face the challenge of population decline, which entails changing demographics and related social and economic implications. This paper looks into the connection between population change, and population decline in particular, and the rates of new firm formation. Although it is clear that fewer people will eventually lead to fewer (new) firms, we assess whether this negative relationship differs with different rates of population change and across regional contexts. Population decline occurs in different types of regional context, which could also lead to different outcomes. In this study we distinguish between urban and rural areas.In order to establish the impact of population change, and population decline in particular, on entrepreneurship, this paper examines data on population density, size, growth and decline, together with firm dynamics for the period 2003-2009, retrieved from the LISA database. In general, the results show that the relationship between entrepreneurship and population change depends heavily on the regional context. When assessing different levels of population change, we find that its relationship with entrepreneurship depends strongly on the regional context. The results indicate that urban regions tend to experience strong negative impacts as a result of population change, while the impact on rural regions remains positive. In conclusion, we find clear differences in the intensity of the impact of population change on new firm formation according to the type of region. The regional context and the intensity of decline must be taken into account when determining the kind of coping mechanism needed to deal with the consequences of decline.
This study examines the occurrence and spatial patterns of creative industries in the context of a developing country, specifically Indonesia. Our findings show that, in the context of Indonesia, it is crucial to distinguish between 'innovative' creative industries and 'traditional cultural' industries. The first category represents those that exploit new knowledge and intellectual property. The latter industries tend to preserve heritage values as selling points and, in Indonesia, they are actually much more significant in economic terms than creative industries and therefore should be taken into account. The spatial patterns of the two industries also differ. Creative industries are likely to concentrate in large urban regions, where innovation and cross-fertilisation of ideas can take place with the support of talent pooling and relatedness among niche producers. The Indonesian case is no exception. Meanwhile, traditional cultural industries are much less dependent on human capital and urbanisation economies. The results of this study suggest that policy strategies aimed at creative industries would be applicable in reasonably advanced regions provided they have sufficient human capital and economic diversification. In comparison, regions specialising in traditional cultural industries can adopt a different strategy to optimise the impact of these industries. Currently, the creative industry policy does not make this distinction.
This article analyses the possible link between entrepreneurship and economic development for the case of India. This link has been studied extensively for developed countries, but less so for developing countries. Using the GEM-model as a reference, we expect declining rates of entrepreneurship, as economic development opens up employment possibilities decreasing the number of necessity entrepreneurship. This pattern, however, is not found in the Indian case. Rather, entrepreneurship appears to be an important driver of recent economic growth. This can be explained by the fact that India is very much a service-based economy that facilitates small-scale fi rms. Although the level of entrepreneurship is increasing over time, the quality of the small fi rms remains rather stable; the share of registered fi rms remains equal over time. Given the importance of high-quality entrepreneurship for economic development, it seems that increasing the quality of entrepreneurship should be the main focus of policy measures. Sierdjan Koster is a Post-Doctoral Researcher at the Urban and Regional Studies
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