The purpose of this article is to highlight the determinants of child labour for children aged 5 to 17 in Cameroon. The study uses microeconomic data from the third Cameroonian household survey (ECAMIII). The bivariate probit model reveals that the risks for a child who works are high if he does not go to school, he is fatherless or both parents are dead, the head of the family is not educated, he works in the agricultural sector, the standard of living of the household is low and he resides in rural areas. The study suggests that the issue of child exploitation in Cameroon is more global and necessarily falls within an economic and social development policy. From this perspective, the strategy to fight the particularly harmful exploitation of child labour should be cross-sectional because of the various dimensions of the phenomenon. Contribution/ Originality: This study contributes to the existing literature by questioning the relationship between financial poverty and child labour from a bivariate probit model on investigation data in Cameroon. This study shows the multidimensional feature of explanatory factors at the helm of child labour. 1. INTRODUCTION According to estimates by the International Labour Office (2002) 1 , there are over 190 million economically employed children aged 5-17 years in the world. These children are generally involved in agriculture, industry and services. In Africa, as in most developing countries, this phenomenon is also very preponderant. Nearly 50 million children aged 5-17 years are economically employed in sub-Saharan Africa, according to ILO estimates in 2006. This early employment of children is to the detriment of their education, For the case of Cameroon for example, we note that among young people (10-17 years), the highest activity rates are observed in regions where Gross Enrolment Ratios (GER) in primary education are the lowest. This is the case, for example, in the Far North region 1 In the report resulting from the international labour conference held in Geneva in 2002, the International Labour Office (ILO) called for "a future without child labour" and for the effective abolition of this phenomenon to be achieved. "One of the most pressing imperatives of our time" (ILO, 2002). Early child labour could indeed compromise their physical and mental development and, at the national level, reduce the capacity to accumulate human capital (Anker, 2000; Ravallion & Wodon, 2000). The fight to make it disappear therefore mobilizes international organizations (ILO, UNICEF, World Bank), non-governmental organizations as well as national public authorities (Dumas & Lambert, 2008). Despite these repeated efforts, child labour persists. Recent estimates show that around 121 million children aged 5 to 14 (a rate of 9.9%) are currently working worldwide (Diallo, Étienne, & Mehran, 2013). The situation in Africa south of the Sahara is particularly worrying because, according to the same source, 21.7% of children of this age group work there.

No abstract

Aim/Method: This article examines the different strategies required for the sustainability of sub-Sahara Africa’s external debt by applying the Simonsen criterion[1] and the conditions of the Harrod-Domar debt and growth model. Results/Conclusion: We then suggest that for debt to be sustainable the financial ratios have to be respected. So the effective servicing of the external debt in Sub-Saharan Africa requires that the expenses incurred in reducing poverty should be known. If the difference between the net returns and the expenses incurred in fighting against poverty is negative this reduces the burden of the debt. Finally, we recommend that Sub-Saharan African countries should use a combination of strategies based on sustainable development, financial resources of the government, and regulatory and institutional norms to manage their debts sustainably.

This paper aims to study the impact of remittances from African migrants on their home countries’ growth and development. These funds constitute a steadily increasing financing means in all these countries, even though development aid is still the preferred financing method. To highlight the role of these funds, we relied on a number of experiences as far as their targets and uses are concerned. Globally speaking, stylized facts based on case studies show that remittances have a positive impact on migrants’ home countries’ economies. In particular, they reduce household poverty and thereby increase their well-being. In addition, they stimulate local economic activity and growth. Given the role and stability of these funds, cost reduction is essential to encourage migrants to send more money through official transfer channels. It is also necessary to increase the managerial efficiency of these funds by orienting them towards implementing profitable projects, rather than devoting them entirely to household consumption. Lastly, it is necessary to encourage the capture of related financial flows by the traditional banking system and microfinance institutions.

This study showed that industrialisation by substitution of imports has been a failure in Africa and has made industries in this part of the world less competitive on the foreign market. As such, a different industrialisation strategy which in the context of globalisation of economies and the fierce competition of the international market reinforces the competitiveness of African countries. This new strategy was translated amongst others by the appropriation of new technologies, protection of infant industries, cloning of manufactured products imported out of Africa, regional integration and the culture of exporting manufactured products.