This article develops a conceptual framework that prompts new lines of enquiry and questions for security researchers. We advance the notion of 'everyday security' which encompasses both the lived experiences of security processes and the related practices that people engage in to govern their own safety. Our analysis proceeds from a critical appraisal of several dominant themes within current security research, and how 'everyday security' addresses key limitations therein. Everyday experiences and quotidian practices of security are then explored along three key dimensions; temporality, spatial scale and affect/emotion. We conclude by arguing that the study of everyday security provides an invaluable critical vantage-point from which to reinvigorate security studies and expose the differential impacts of both insecurity and securitisation.
This article argues that accounts that envisage rupture in penality tend to overplay the coherence of ‘modern’ punishment and underplay the inconsistency of current developments. It suggests that this problem stems in large part from a failure to appreciate the ‘braided’ nature of modern liberal punishment, which is always about both punishment and reform. Part of the ‘secret’ to this is found in David Garland's earlier work in which the ‘welfare sanction’ appears as a compromise between modernist scientific expertise and liberal legalism and individualism. Normative regulation coupled with punishment in this bargain. As a result, even during the heyday of the welfare sanction and at rehabilitation's height, punitive and deterrent penalties remained important. Similarly, there is substantial evidence that increasingly widespread approaches such as restorative justice, therapeutic justice and risk-need models carry a newly revised correctionalism into the present. Rather than conceive recent changes as indicative of a watershed in penal rationality and practice, this article suggests that it is more important to think about the ways in which neo-liberal assaults on the modernist side of this equation have transformed its character.
There has been a convergence of private and public policing corporate sectors into a 'police industry.' In part, this process has involved the successful reshaping of public police management into a corporate executive, such that the private and public security sectors converge in various ways. Ironically the success of the transfer of business principles to the public police has revitalized police unions, giving rise to an assumption that in the face of their opposition, the transfer of business principles will stall and eventually fail. By contrast, we identify the existence of unionized and non-unionized sectors of policing as a normal feature of modernist industry. By doing so, it appears that in the current environment of labour relations-ironically-this formation may itself contribute to a new wave of business-oriented reforms affecting police associations themselves.
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