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In the United States, the rise in ethnic diversity due to immigration in recent decades has been most visible in new "gateway" cities and towns, such as the Baltimore-Washington, D.C. corridor, now the fourth-largest gateway for new immigration. Among the more grave issues that immigrant women face in these gateways and elsewhere is the experience of intimate partner violence. This article reports on a study using qualitative methods to document the problem, approaches, and challenges in the rapidly diversifying city of Baltimore, Maryland. We report on individual and focus-group interviews with professionals in 10 agencies who work directly with the Baltimore populations. Drawing on intersectionality theory, we propose a conceptual framework that disaggregates the location of "immigration" into four components: contexts of exit, contexts of reception, racial and class hierarchies, and culture. The study's results problematize cultural essentialist models and raise questions about current U.S. legal systems regarding immigration.KEY WORDS: domestic violence; culture; gateway; immigration; intersectionality; intimate partner violence; women. appreciation to the individuals who helped move this research forward, including those who so willingly and enthusiastically participated in the focus groups. Thank you to Lisa Fink for her thorough transcribing work. We also appreciate the contributions of Chris Baker and Ellen Rodrigues to the data input and analysis. Finally, we would like to thank the anonymous reviewers from Sociological Forum whose feedback greatly helped us shape the final draft.

This article reviews recent research on social media platforms as outlets of street protest reporting by activists, posing the question of whether such outlets constitute a cultural source for protest movements. Given the "many-tomany" dynamic that alternative journalism via social media offers in contrast to the "one-to-many" approach of traditional media, there are implications for incursions into more democratic, participatory cultures and structures. Existing literature indicates that user-generated content via social media potentially is known to supplant traditional journalism in protest situations due to advantages such as firsthand access. Further, research demonstrates that activist reporting supplements and integrates with traditional journalism, and that interdependence develops. We also review the boundary conditions that constrain the use of socialmedia platforms for protest reporting. 1 | INTRODUCTION In January 2011, tens of thousands of Egyptian activists mesmerized the globe as they occupied Cairo's Tahrir Square, ultimately resulting in the resignation of Egypt's President Mubarak. This spectacle, and the accompanying domino pattern of "Arab Spring" (or "Arab Awakening") uprisings across the Middle East and North Africa exemplified the near ubiquity of global access to digital devices, the internet, and social media, allowing previously unparalleled speed and reach (Bossio, 2014, p. 22; Radi, 2017). In concert with other 21st-century movements such as #OccupyWallSt, #Blacklivesmatter, #MeToo, #hongkongprotests, #OccupyGezi, and #indignado, these activists purposed technology-assisted platforms to message organizing details, live-stream events, document police actions, disseminate protest music and art, host on-line debates, and more (Castells,

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The legacy of the Solidarity movement of the 1980s, which was a leading force in the region's 1989 revolutions, culminating most symbolically with the fall of the Berlin Wall, has yet to be institutionalized in Polish social memory. A spate of official commemorations marking the movement's 25th anniversary in 2005 provided a palette on which Poles projected-or refused to project-their memories. The movement's legacy continues to play out in current and contentious electoral politics, since the leaders of the top contending parties are former Solidarity activists. Despite and partly because of this active presence of Solidarity movement players, Polish civil society appears to be in a liminal state of active hesitation over the task of concretizing this movement's past in commemorative forms. This article proposes six cultural and political explanations for this hesitation. It also recommends that social scientists disaggregate the concept of memory work into various manifestations on a continuum from hesitation to deliberation and agitation to institutionalization. As the article illustrates, hesitation can constitute action. At stake in this exercise is a larger discourse-over the direction of the post-1989 sociopolitical changes vis-à-vis the aims of the 1989 revolutions and the meaning of democracy and transitional justice in a posttotalitarian context.