The aim of this article is to examine the institutional development of organic agriculture (OA) in Bulgaria. The primary focus is on explaining certain contradictory trends observed during an examination of the phenomenon. First, although the origins of OA in Bulgaria can be traced back to the last years of socialism, it was not until 2010 that a "boom" of organic operators and certified land occurred. Second, although a full range of policies and instruments to support OA have been implemented and the importance of OA has been politically recognised, only approximately 1.1% of the agricultural land in Bulgaria is currently managed organically. Additionally, despite the development of national policies, the introduction of financial instruments and the emergence of OA organisations, the domestic organic food market is backward, as the largest portion of OA production is intended for export. Finally, there is evidence that calls into question the potential of OA to encourage socially and economically productive activities when it is motivated by subsidies rather than market value. Using the "black box" allegory to approach the above observations, this article aims to explain the institutional development of OA in Bulgaria during the period spanning 1990-2013. Using the institutional analysis perspective as an analytical tool, the article addresses two main research questions: 1) What were the driving forces behind the emergence of the OA concept and its political recognition? and 2) What factors have led to the questionable outcomes of OA development? The article also uses qualitative data to critically assess the "boom" of the OA sector, as indicated by official statistics.

SummaryDrawing upon the examples of Bulgaria and Hungary, this Keywords: central and eastern Europe, transformation, SMEs, labour relations, trade unionsBefore 1990 employment in central and eastern European countries (CEECs) was con centrated in large state-owned companies and jobs were secure. During the transition of the past 16 years, employment has gradually transferred to the emerging small and medium-sized enterprise (SME) sector and has become precarious. Employment in SMEs in CEECs is generally outside the coverage of collective bargaining, which remains concentrated on large enterprises and the public sector. Taking account of this transitional context and drawing upon the examples of Bulgaria and Hungary, we argue that SMEs play a dual role in the economic perform ance of CEECs in promoting eco nomic and social development while simultaneously generating informal mechanisms that substitute for formal labour relations. Large-scale European quantitative surveys provide information about the presence or absence of trade unions or the existence of such participative institutions as works councils in SMEs.1 Such surveys, however, can not explain the realities of social relations in the sector in the post-socialist societies or allow us to draw conclusions about the nature of employee voice. On the basis of the 12 case studies of Bulgarian and Hungarian SMEs carried out as part of the SMALL project, this paper examines the relationship between the regulation of employment relations in SMEs and employee representation and voice. This examination is con ducted in the context of (1) the spectacular development of the SME sector during the post-socialist transition; (2) changing labour relations, and (3) collective bargaining

Summary On the basis of an in‐depth qualitative study, this article discusses the case of Bulgaria as an example of a new EU Member State that implemented EU organic farming policies in a top‐down process during EU accession. We explore the difficulties in transposing a concept originating in Western Europe to post‐Socialist countries, and particularly ask what this transposing of an alien concept means for long‐term development of the organic sector. We found that the top‐down agenda‐setting for organic farming in Bulgaria resulted in inefficient policies that inhibited an orientation of producers towards the market's needs. Tacit assumptions underlying the concept of organic farming in Western Europe, such as the relevance of social capital could not be sustained in Bulgaria, which added to the challenges of policy implementation. To increase policy efficiency, we recommend a policy process that involves the expertise of all organic sector actors, including organic operators, but also policymakers, organic organisations, consumers and academic experts. Expertise and knowledge requirements are diverse, touching policy, market, collective action and practice‐oriented skills. Integrating these skills could maximise success in finding the best solution for implementing – and adjusting – a foreign concept meaningfully in a particular local context.

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