article on perceptions of collaboration in Rostov-onDon presents interesting new research on a topic that was taboo in Soviet times and has hardly been studied to this day. The main focus of recent studies in the west has been directed at military and police collaboration and we still know almost nothing about other spheres of collaboration, such as collaboration in the local administration or economic collaboration.1 Jones gives several examples that show the wide range of everyday collaboration, involving nearly "every family" and including housing administrators who handed over lists of communists and Jews to the Nazis and school inspectors who distributed fascist literature. In accordance with the sources he uses, Jones analyzes the different perceptions of collaboration in Soviet society during and after the war. Therefore, he reveals a picture based on "representations and reflections of reality, but not reality itself." Jones mainly evaluates three different discourses on collaboration: the inner party discussions, the propaganda in the local press, and the opinions of the popular classes. This is no doubt a legitimate and reasonable approach. It is not the author's intention to clarify the empirical dimension of collaboration in Rostov-on-Don. And everybody will agree with Jones that today it is impossible to determine the actual scale of collaboration under German occupation, first because of the unclear definition of the phenomenon itself and second because of the lack of sources. Nevertheless, Jones provides interesting numbers from the party archive about people who worked for the Germans in the fields of housing, trade, finance, and education. He shows that a relatively high percentage of qualified specialists worked for the Germans and that only a small number were replaced in the postwar years, mainly because of a lack of quali-I want to thank Martin Dean and Vadim Altskan for their support.

No abstract

In German historiography, the Ukrainian famine has not received adequate attention. A few exceptions exist, such as the 2004 special issue of the journal Osteuropa edited by Gerhard Simon and Rudolf Mark, but no single monograph in the German language nor any research project deals with the Holodomor. Moreover, amongst the broader German public, the Soviet famine of 1932–3 is relatively unknown, despite being one of the great catastrophes in twentieth-century European history and (in terms of its death toll) one of the biggest single crimes of Stalinism. How can this obvious omission on the part of German academic researchers of Stalinism be explained?

No abstract

An oral history project in the Donbass This article presents the indings of a small oral history project carried out during the years 2001-2010 in the Eastern ukrainian Donbass region. the Donbass, located in today's Eastern ukraine, was until the 1960s the main coal region of the Soviet union. 1 under Stalin's forced industrialisation of the 1930s, the region experienced an enormous economic development and population growth, and became a leading industrial centre and "showcase region of socialism." At the end of the 1930s,