Recent findings show that preferences for food items can be modified without external reinforcements using the cue-approach task. In the task, the mere association of food item images with a neutral auditory cue and a speeded button press, resulted in enhanced preferences for the associated stimuli. In a series of 10 independent samples with a total of 255 participants, we show for the first time that using this non-reinforced method we can enhance preferences for faces, fractals and affective images, as well as snack foods, using auditory, visual and even aversive cues. This change was highly durable in follow-up sessions performed one to six months after training. Preferences were successfully enhanced for all conditions, except for negative valence items. These findings promote our understanding of nonreinforced change, suggest a boundary condition for the effect and lay the foundation for development of novel applications.Behavioral change is an essential tool to improve health and quality of life, from treating addictions to eating and mood disorders [1][2][3] . Scientific research on behavioral change mainly focused on the effects of external reinforcements 2,4-7 or altering the presentation of the decision problem [8][9][10] . Recently, the cue-approach training (CAT) 11 paradigm was introduced as a successful method for enhancing preferences for food items, without external reinforcement, context change or self-control. Here, we test multiple hypotheses that are aimed to shed light on this mechanism by studying its generalizability to multiple stimuli and cues, as well as the long-term durability of the effect. In the cue-approach task, participants initially indicated their preferences for a set of snack-food items by specifying their willingness to pay for each item in an auction procedure. Then, in the CAT, some of the items were consistently associated with a neutral auditory cue and a speeded button press response (these stimuli were termed 'Go items'), whereas other stimuli were presented without a cue ('No-Go items'). In the following probe phase, participants were asked to choose a snack they would like to eat at the end of the experiment. Each probe-choice comprised of a pair of items with similar initial values, in which only one of the two snacks was a Go item. Results showed that the mere association of snack-food images with a neutral auditory cue and a speeded button press, resulted in enhanced preferences for Go items over No-Go items. This preference change effect varied across different value categories -resulting in enhanced preferences for snack-food items of initial high-value, yet significantly less prominent change in preferences for low-value items. The effect was maintained two-months following training 11 . Additional studies with the cue-approach task 12 found that for the behavioral change to take place, CAT required the presence of both a speeded button press response and a cue; i.e. CAT had no effect when training was conducted with an early cue onset which was followed with ...

We examine the ways in which, and the extent to which, DOPA (Diversity in Organizations: Perceptions and Approaches; that is, asset, problem, challenge, or nonissue) approaches predict teachers’ diversity-related burnout and immigration-related self-efficacy. One hundred thirty-six schoolteachers completed a self-report questionnaire measuring diversity-related burnout and self-efficacy, approaches toward cultural diversity, attitudes toward multiculturalism, and demographics. It was found that the teachers’ perception of the immigrant student as an asset and not as a problem was related to lower diversity-related burnout and to higher immigration-related self-efficacy. Future research should focus on possible interventions with teachers on the ways in which approaches to cultural diversity are developed, negotiated, and adopted.

Because emotion regulation is a motivated process, one must adopt a motivational perspective to understand it. We build on the distinction between goal setting (i.e., selecting end-states to achieve) and goal striving (i.e., engaging in behaviors to achieve desired end-states). First, we discuss how these concepts apply to regulation in the emotion domain. Second, we review existing research on setting emotion goals and striving for them. Third, we highlight how goal setting and goal striving can operate in tandem to shape emotion regulation. Finally, we highlight the importance of considering emotion regulation as a motivated process, and how doing so informs key topics explored in this special issue, including those pertaining to determinants (e.g., culture as setting emotion goals), consequences (e.g., monitoring emotion goal progress and mental health), and interventions (e.g., manipulating features of emotion goal setting and striving to promote adaptive emotion regulation).

To succeed in self-regulation, people need to believe that it is possible to change behaviour and they also need to use effective means to enable such a change. We propose that this also applies to emotion regulation. In two studies, we found that people were most successful in emotion regulation, the more they believed emotions can be controlled and the more they used an effective emotion regulation strategy - namely, cognitive reappraisal. Cognitive reappraisal moderated the link between beliefs about the controllability of emotion and success in emotion regulation, when reappraisal was measured as a trait (Study 1) or manipulated (Study 2). Such moderation was found when examining the regulation of disgust elicited by emotion-inducing films (Study 1), and the regulation of anger elicited by real political events (Study 2). We discuss the implications of our findings for research and practice in emotion regulation.

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