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Political ecology, the study of political economic forces underlying environmental change, is a rapidly expanding field of inquiry. Transdisciplinary by definition, it brings together scholars with widely differing methodological and theoretical backgrounds united by a vision of human welfare in synch with the natural environment. Equally suspicious of entrenched academic assumptions and dominant political forces that shape the environmental problematique, political ecology makes for refreshingly dynamic and reflexive scholarship. Unfortunately, given its lack of traditional disciplinary traits, such as clearly defined disciplinary borders and shared epistemological assumptions, political ecology is frequently not rigorous enough in its research design and data analysis. This edited volume is a product of a political ecology research seminar held at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London during the academic year 1998^99. It contains eleven chapters organized in three sections:``Science and myth'',``Water and virtual water'', and``The relations of power, global to local''. The editors define political ecology as``a concern with tracing the genealogy of narratives concerning`the environment', with identifying power relationships supported by such narratives, and with asserting the consequences of hegemony over, and within, these narratives for economic and social development, and particularly for constraining possibilities for self-determination'' (page 2). The chief goal of these chapters is to explore``instances of mismatch and discontinuity between discourses that have become accepted currency in global and international settings and local contexts and narratives'' (page 6). The first section on``Science and myth'' is rather successful in identifying and dismantling`hegemonic myths' that dominate policy processes. For instance, in arguably the strongest chapter of the book, Sullivan (chapter 1) convincingly demonstrates that the discourse on desertification in Namibia arises from a lack of scientific praxis. Where international donors and national organizations see desertification due to failed resource management institutions, Sullivan finds a constellation of historical prejudice, scientific hubris, and paradigmatic pressure that creates a self-perpetuating myth. In so doing, the author weaves together different strands of evidence, ranging from statistical analysis to oral testimonies, successfully challenging`objective science' without resort to nihilistic relativism that mars many a discourse analysis. Another chapter that stands out in this section is Jewitt and Kumar's contribution on``gender and silvicultural knowledge in the Jharkand, India'' (chapter 4), where the authors challenge the dominant discourses of`Women-in-Development' (WID) and`Women, Environment and Development' (WED) by uncovering the essentializing assumptions of both. The second set of essays on water issues contains only two chapters. Justified by the existence of a`Water Issues Study Group' at the SOAS, the aim of...

Much of David Harvey's writing over the decades has looked at the geography of uneven development, and the social and political processes that produce and maintain inequality through capitalist accumulation. His latest book looks at how and why the crises of the 1970s (economic stagnation, inflation, and political instability) led to the emergence of a neoliberal solution to these problems. The fact that the ensuing decades, the agendas of which have been dominated by the policies and convictions of figures such as Reagan and Thatcher, have seen the global spread of neoliberalism, as well as the entrenchment of neoliberal ideology (such that subsequent administrations have felt able only to work within its ideological framework, rather than to challenge it) is indicative of its importance. In charting the history of an ideology which espouses freedom, economic liberalization and deregulation, privatization and state withdrawal, Harvey argues that there has been a profound discontinuity between the theorization of neoliberalism (much of which is uncontroversial and universally agreed) and its practice. Moreover, the origins of this discontinuity derive from inconsistencies and tensions within neoliberalism itself, as well as the hypocrisies and double standards of those who have espoused and implemented it in practice.Harvey's central argument is that, under the guise of reform, wealth creation, and freedom, neoliberalism has in fact worsened class, regional, and national inequalities. Power and wealth, through deliberate policies of financial deregulation, welfare reform, and the commodification of labour and the environment, have remained concentrated in the hand of a narrow social stratum. However, the internal contradictions of capitalist accumulation (well documented by Harvey's previous works) and the need to overcome periodic crises have led to the need to spread neoliberalism worldwide, opening up new labour and consumer markets, finding places in which to invest surplus capital, and protecting (by force if necessary) vital energy sources. The West's need to open foreign markets by coercion and develop foreign economies with credit has exposed vulnerable countries to economic shocks and unpayable debt, while at the same time the developed world distorts and manipulates the global`free' market through practices of protectionism and subsidy. As Harvey notes, neoliberalism is fine in practice, but inequalities of power make the realization of neoliberal freedoms impossible.

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