An experiment varied the order of presentation of ostensible trial testimony. Prior to the reading of strong final evidence from the prosecution, 65 university students taking the role of jurors read other arguments which were identical for all recipients except that they came from either ( a ) the prosecution first and the defense second or ( b ) the defense first and the prosecution second. Two tentative verdicts and a final verdict were marked anonymously following the respective presentations.The sequence of tentative verdicts, but not the order of presentation of arguments, affected the final verdict, which tended to be the same as the first tentative verdict. Regardless of which side presented its case first, those jurors who committed themselves to a verdict of "innocent" following the first presentation tended to vote acquittal at the end. Conversely, those initially marking "guilty" tended to convict the defendant on the final vote.The results indicate that initial cornmitmcnts, even when tentative and private, tend to influence final commitments by decision-makers in roles such as that of the juror.

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United States deregulation of radio and television in the 1980s is ossociated with the decision by some stations to end (or not storf) presenting local news. This mail and telephone survey found that station programmers who dropped local news said they could not afford it but would present it i f news generated sufficient revenue. There is evidence that news was dropped nfter, and perhnps as u result OJ deregulation, especially with television stations. The study suggests deregulation has not resulted in the news diversity for which some hoped.Through the 1970s ownership of a television or radio station was typically a license to print money. T h e broadcasting industry w a s oligopolistic. i.e.. a few suppliers providing a similar pr0duct.l The 1980s a l t e r e d t h a t s t r u c t u r e , leaving b r o a d c a s t i n g i n a s t a t e of monopolistic competition. While the range of products (radio and television programs) remained similar, the number of suppliers grew significantly.2For example, cable television began developing into a competitive programming source. O n e early study found that cable had a slight positive effect on broadcast news ~i e w e r s h i p ,~ but most found that cable access reduced the audience for local news.4 Subsequent to those studies i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 8 0 s , t h e r e h a s b e e n a d r a m a t i c i n c r e a s e i n c a b l e penetration (to 59% in the early ~S S O S ) .~ The federal government also opened the way for a n explosion of internal competition through its deregulatory activities. In 1981, t h e Federal Communications Commission deregulated radio. Stations n o lringer h a d t o p r o v i d e m i n i m u m l e v e l s of n o n -e n t e r t a i n m e n t programming, limit commercial time per hour or provide detailed proof that they had ascertained community needs and provided significant programming t r i satisfy those needs.6 In 1984, the FCC deregulated television.7 Also in that year, the commission began the process of relaxing its Miclioel L. McKean is nn nssociate professor and Vernon A . Stone is a professor in Ute School of Journnljsm nt the University of Missouri. The research was supported by a grant to the second author from the Radio-Television News Directors Associntion. Preliminnry findings were reported in the RTNDA Communicator. Journalism Quarterly Vol. 69, No. 3 713-723 Fall 1992 a1992 AEIMC L~RTUILATIUN A M WhlPETlTllh

Source vs. message orientation produced no differences under either source- or message-immunization conditions, nor did sex. But self-esteem did interact with immunization strategies as predicted.