A total of 47female offenders were identifiedfrom afollow-up of all homicides (N= 569) occurring in Dade County (Miami), Florida in 1980. The homicide offender rate forfemales had increased by 48.7% over a six-year period but was far below the 189.6% increase for male offenders. Both thefemale and male rates in 1980 were significantly higher than those for Florida and the United States as a whole. Female offenders were more likely than males to be involved in homicides that were domestic, within the family, with opposite sex victims (inter-sexual), and victim precipitated. Of the 27 females arrested, 17 were eventually found guilty with sentences ranging from probation to life in prison. Differences in outcomeforfemale and male offenders werefound atfour decisionpointsfrom arrest to sentencing but no evidence of disparity (unjustified difference) was found.

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California Offender Based Transaction System (O.B.T.S.) data are utilized to examine the processing of all elderly felons (N = 1,562) compared to felons twenty to fifty-nine (N = 160,413) to determine if elderly felons "get off easier." Elderly criminals were treated more harshly at the front end of the criminal justice system (through conviction) and more leniently at sentencing. The apparent leniency at sentencing was not found for all offenses examined and thus the overall pattern of leniency was due to the mix of offenses for which the elderly were convicted. Though age was a better predictor of arrest rates than sex or race, the latter two variables were better predictors of processing by the criminal justice system.

The commonly accepted view that violent crime is intraracial as opposed to interracial is reexamined. Victim survey data on perceived race of offender are used to suggest that the issue of intraracial versus interracial crime should be examined from four perspectives: white offender's choice of victim (e.g., white or black); black offender's choice of victim; white victim's perception of race of offender; and black victim's perception of race of offender. A Detailed analysis of victimization survey data indicates that violent crime in the United States (robbery, assault, and rape) is intraracial from three perspectives (whites chose other whites as victims, whites were largely victimized by other whites, and blacks were largely victimized by other blacks). However, black offenders were more likely to choose white victims in robberies, assaults, and rapes. Tentative and alternative explanations for this previously unexamined fact of interracial crime are suggested.

This article critiques the medical model of addiction by examining the historical roots of this addiction model and its recent extension to excessive behaviors involving gambling, sex, shopping, overeating, and even murder. The view that addicts are victims of a disease is seen as scientifically flawed and as counterproductive with respect to prevention and treatment. Alternative models of "excessive behavior" are suggested that are consistent with the empirical data on addiction and that are less destructive with respect to prevention and treatment. Policy implications of these alternative models are discussed. Defining The Medical View Of AddictionSeveral alternative models are available to explain the habitual use of alcohol and other drugs and the &dquo;excessive&dquo; behaviors of those &dquo;addicted&dquo; to gambling, sex, etc. The Medical Model suggests that such behavior (i.e., &dquo;disease&dquo;) is the result of an uncontrollable desire that is part of a diseased state of the mind and/or body. This model sees the initial choice of the addict to experiment with the drug (e.g., cocaine) as being replaced by a psychological and physiological compulsion. No blame or fault is imputed to the addict since the compulsion is considered part of a disease that can and must be treated. The medical model asserts that the addict cannot cure himself by willpower but must be treated for the disease of addiction. Choice cannot be restored to the addict without the removal of the underlying disease. The Learning Model explains excessive behaviors as the result of conditioning so that the &dquo;addictive&dquo; behavior (the &dquo;habit&dquo;) is continued simply because it is more rewarding than alternative behaviors. For example, the cocaine addict is seen as an individual who continues to take the drug because it is rewarding, i.e., it makes him feel good, not because he is compelled by a diseased state to do so. Treatment involves helping the addict understand