The last decade and a half has witnessed a dramatic growth in mining activity in many developing countries. This article reviews these recent trends and describes the debates and conflicts they have triggered. The authors review evidence regarding debates on the resource curse and the possibility of an extraction‐led pathway to development. They then describe the different types of resistance and social mobilization that have greeted mineral expansion at a range of geographical scales, and consider how far these protests have changed the relationships between mining and political economic change. The conclusions address how far such protests might contribute to an ‘escape’ from the resource curse, and consider implications for research and policy agendas.
The last decade and a half has witnessed a dramatic growth in mining activity in many developing countries. This article reviews these recent trends and describes the debates and conflicts they have triggered. The authors review evidence regarding debates on the resource curse and the possibility of an extraction-led pathway to development. They then describe the different types of resistance and social mobilization that have greeted mineral expansion at a range of geographical scales, and consider how far these protests have changed the relationships between mining and political economic change. The conclusions address how far such protests might contribute to an 'escape' from the resource curse, and consider implications for research and policy agendas.
Contrairement à ce qui peut s’observer en Amérique Latine, les conflits de l’extractivisme demeurent rares au Maroc. Une paix sociale relative prévaut dans de nombreux secteurs primaires. Lorsqu’ils gagnent en intensité, les conflits associés à ce régime d’accumulation restent cadrés, pour l’essentiel, comme des conflits d’extraction qui ne remettent pas en cause la légitimité même d’une utilisation maximale des ressources naturelles. La comparaison de l’exploitation minière avec celle des eaux souterraines (agriculture intensive) amène ainsi à identifier deux préconditions des mobilisations anti-extractivistes. En premier lieu, la polarisation économique suscitée par ces activités doit être suffisamment marquée pour permettre l’émergence d’une identité collective de subalternes (une polarisation observable historiquement dans les mines, et aujourd’hui dans les territoires miniers, mais pas dans l’agriculture). En second lieu, des politiques territoriales de diversification économique doivent être déjà conduites, qui rendent socialement imaginable la perspective d’un développement non-extractiviste (ce qui n’est guère le cas, ni pour les mines, ni pour l’agriculture irriguée). Le dépaysement de la problématique extractive au Maroc invite ainsi à s’interroger sur les préconditions économiques et politiques des mouvements anti-extractivistes, mais aussi sur l’articulation de ces préconditions.
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