General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the public portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights.-Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the public portal for the purpose of private study or research -You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain -You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the public portal Take down policyIf you believe that this document breaches copyright, please contact us providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. AbstractThe present article forwards perceived intergroup difference as an organizing principle for both intercultural attitudes and acculturation attitudes. A study among 5,824 majority Dutch and five minority groups revealed that the position of a group on a dimension of perceived intergroup difference organized scores on a wide range of measures of intercultural attitudes and acculturation attitudes. Minority groups that were perceived by majority members as being more different from themselves received less support for multiculturalism, were seen as more threatening, were stereotyped as less warm and competent, were seen to adopt mainstream culture less and to maintain ethnic culture more, and showed more discordance between majority and minority preferences of acculturation strategies; minority groups that perceived themselves as more different from majority Dutch were more in favor of multiculturalism, held stronger ethnic identities, adopted mainstream culture less, and maintained minority culture more. The authors conclude that perceived intergroup difference may be an important organizer of intergroup relations in culturally diverse societies.

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Theories link threat with right-wing political beliefs. We use the World Values Survey (60,378 participants) to explore how six types of threat (e.g., economic, violence, and surveillance) are associated with multiple political beliefs (e.g., cultural, economic, and ideological identification) in 56 countries/territories. Multilevel models with individuals nested in countries revealed that the threat-political belief association depends on the type of threat, the type of political beliefs, and the country. Economic-related threats tended to be associated with more left-wing economic political beliefs and violence-related threats tended to be associated with more cultural right-wing beliefs, but there were exceptions to this pattern. Additional analyses revealed that the associations between threat and political beliefs were different across countries. However, our analyses identified few country characteristics that could account for these cross-country differences. Our findings revealed that political beliefs and perceptions of threat are linked, but that the relationship is not simple.

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