Political parties can be classified as legal entities that can be criminally responsible if they commit a corruption. However, even though there is a flow of funds from corruption based on the Corruption Eradication Commission's Indictment Letter, until now no political party has been convicted of committing a criminal act of corruption. This research aims to determine the accountability of political parties suspected of committing criminal acts of corruption. The results said that political parties are considered as legal subjects (rechtspersoon) whose actions can be carried out by party managers or others as long as they have a relationship with political parties. Types of punishment that can be applied to political parties that are suspected of committing corruption are various. One of them is dissolution. In the dissolution of political parties must also follow the regulation of dissolution of political parties in Indonesia.

Realita banyaknya undang-undang produksi DPR dan Presiden yang dibatalkan oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi, terjadi sebagai akibat materi muatan undang-undang tersebut yang jamak mencermikan ketidakadilan dan ketidakpastian hukum. Tingginya angka judicial review menjadi sinyal kurang terakomodasinya kepentingan dan hak-hak warga negara dalam sebuah produk perundang-undangan. Tidak adanya keharmonisan pengaturan yang dilakukan DPR itulah yang memberi dampak pada jamaknya undang-undang yang digugat. Tulisan ini mencoba mendeskripsikan beberapa perdebatan antinomi yang mewarnai eksistensi perundang-undangan di Indonesia. Hasil analisis menunjukkan, antinomi— pertentangan—norma dalam peraturan perundang-undangan adalah satu hal yang sulit terhindarkan, apalagi mengingat buruknya proses legislasi di DPR saat ini. Dalam setiap pembentukan peraturan perundang-undangan, sinkronisasi dan harmonisasi norma bukanlah satu titik tekan yang utama, melainkan terkalahkan oleh politik transaksional antarfraksi di DPR yang justru tampak lebih dominan. Namun bilamana pertentangan norma tersebut justru membentuk satu aturan hukum yang simultan, dinamis, dan memenuhi cita hukum, tentu tidak menjadi persoalan. Selama tidak menimbulkan kerugian bagi pemenuhan hakhak konstitusional (constitutional rights) warga negara.

<div><table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" align="left"><tbody><tr><td align="left" valign="top"><p class="root-block-node">This study aims to analyze the President's power and the threat attached to it during the transition of the inter-election period and the concept of the legal framework in Indonesia's legal system. It also provides the need to be performed in the future to ensure that the President does not abuse this power. The matter raises a series of problems regarding the government's authority during the election transition period. This research will provide comparative studies with Ghana, Liberia, and the United States to understand the President's power in the Indonesian constitutional system. This research was conducted using doctrinal research methods, or normative legal research. In reviewing a legal issue, a doctrinal research method analyzes positive law, related cases, and other relevant references. The results showed that the President's power during the election transition period needs to be regulated in the constitution. Furthermore, the arrangement has to be enforced technically in the form of a presidential transition law.</p></td></tr></tbody></table></div>

KPK sejak pembentukannya merupakan lembaga negara independen. Pemberian independensi kepada KPK memiliki tujuan agar tidak dipengaruhi oleh kekuasaan manapun. Revisi kedua UU KPK melalui UU Nomor 19 tahun 2019 memuat perubahan mendasar terhadap kelembagan KPK. Antara lain pembentukan Dewan Pengawas, penempatan KPK pada rumpun kekuasaan eksekutif, status kepegawaian, dan status penyelidik dan penyidik. Revisi tidak hanya membatasi kewenangan KPK, tetapi juga berdampak terhadap independensi KPK. Prinsip-prinsip independensi KPK sebagaimana tipikal state independent agencies dan anti-corruption agencies semakin pudar melalui pengaturan UU Nomor 19 tahun 2019. Implikasinya KPK memiliki ruang gerak semakin terbatas dan tidak bebas dari pengaruh kekuasaan lainnya, khususnya eksekutif. Tanpa mereposisi kelembagaan KPK agenda pemberantasan korupsi semakin tidak tentu arah. Tanpa mengembalikan independensinya, eksistensi KPK semakin kehilangan relevansi, karena sesungguhnya Presiden sudah membawahkan dua lembaga penegak hukum pemberantas korupsi lainnya, yakni kepolisian dan kejaksaan.

The validation of the Job Creation Law in Indonesia brought many fundamental changes in economic policy, including environmental licensing. It is because of a fundamental legal political changes that more directed to the ease of doing business and investing compared to the environmental conservation, by changing the terminology of environmental licensing to environmental approval. This paper aims to analyze the legal politics of environmental licensing governance after the Job Creation Act. The results of this study indicated that there are changes in legal politics in environmental licensing governance after the Job Creation Law which had implications for the business licensing system. So, a legal mapping is needed regarding to the concept of environmental licensing in the Job Creation Act. The findings of this paper are the ideal concept of environmental licensing based on the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.