1. The Leader Can’t Lead When the Followers Won’t Follow

Jesse, Neal G.; Lobell, Steven E.; Press‐Barnathan, Galia; Williams, Kristen

doi:10.1515/9780804781107-003

Cited by 11 publications

(9 citation statements)

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“…3 Like hegemony, leadership connotes a 'situation in which one state is powerful enough to maintain the essential rules governing interstate relations and is willing to do so' (Keohane 1984: 34-35). Also like hegemony, leadership must be a relational concept-one characterizing the relationship between states (Jesse et al 2012). As it is understood here, military and economic capabilities are the inevitable prerequisites for leadership (Prys 2010: 485).…”

Section: Regional Powers and Regional Leadersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public diplomacy and regional leadership struggles: the case of Saudi Arabia

Heibach

2021

Int Polit

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In light of recent Saudi Arabian foreign policy, this article examines the valorization of public diplomacy in regional leadership struggles—a widely neglected topic in discussion on regional powers. Concentrating on regions with distinct power hierarchies, the literature offers nuanced explanations for how already-established regional leaders seek to maintain their position but only limited discussion of how ambitious states seek to assume leadership in the first place. The proposed binary set of coercive and persuasive strategies used by aspirant leaders does not capture the complexities of these regional leadership struggles. This article argues instead that aspirant leaders lacking the power assets to exclusively embark on either strategy become prone to resorting to a strategy mix combining elements of both coercion and persuasion. Because of the inconsistencies arising from applying such antithetical policies, however, public diplomacy significantly gains in importance as a magnifying and balancing tool amid this strategy mix.

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Section: Regional Powers and Regional Leadersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Public diplomacy and regional leadership struggles: the case of Saudi Arabia

Heibach

2021

Int Polit

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“…As scholars came to acknowledge that the strategic objectives of regional powers, the main focus of attention in the second phase, ‘do not automatically become reality’ (Nolte, 2010 , p. 899) and are ‘very much contingent on the policies of other states’ (Jesse et al, 2012 , p. 11) research interest turned towards the responses and reactions of weaker states in the region, that is, of secondary and tertiary states (Ebert and Flemes, 2018 ; Gardini, 2016a ; Flemes and Lobell, 2015 ; Ebert et al, 2014 ; Williams et al, 2012 ; Flemes and Wojczewski, 2011 ). These reactions and responses were conceptualized by most authors as falling between the two opposites of balancing and accommodation (see Jesse et al, 2012 ; Lobell et al, 2015 ; Flemes and Lobell, 2015 ; Ebert et al, 2014 ), continuing thus a line of research initiated some years ago by Ikenberry ( 2003 ), Pape ( 2005 ), Paul ( 2005 ), Walt ( 2005 ) and others, seeking to enrich the simple dichotomy balancing/bandwagoning inherited from classical realism with the theorization and empirical identification of subtler middle strategies that may fall in between. Here again, as in previous phases of RPRP, the research strategy was to adapt to the regional-level theoretical propositions originally conceived to make sense of global-level phenomena, in this case of other states’ reactions to US unipolarity.…”

Section: The Rprp In Ir: Structure Of the Debatementioning

confidence: 99%

The regional powers’ research programme in international relations: a critical assessment

Garzón

2022

Int Polit

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More than a decade has passed since an intense research interest in Regional Powers arose in IR. However, this original impetus has of late notoriously tailed off. This was in part the result of an unfavourable international environment but also, I argue, of an exhaustion of the programme’s conceptual and analytical framework as such. This can be specially seen in three fronts. First, in the inability of the initial theoretical framing to account for new empirical observations, and an insufficient engagement of Area Studies research for revising these initial propositions; second, in a conceptualisation of global-level influences that has been too restrictive and theoretically impairing; and third, in the difficulties encountered by efforts to explain the formation of regional orders by leveraging regional powers as main explanatory variables. A second argument is that some of the fresh approaches needed to overcome these problems might be found in Comparative Regionalism.

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“…While the American-led unipolarity embedded in world politics, hegemony studies are revived in the international relations field. The latest wave of hegemonic studies more concerned with the "nature of the lead state"s interaction with others in the system" (Jesse et al, 2012). Since there is a significant change in the 21 st century, new questions the future of US liberal order have been raise.…”

Section: The Rise Of Neo-protectionism and Future Of Liberal Ordermentioning

confidence: 99%

The American Hegemony Between the Rise of Neo-Protectionism and Liberal Economic Order

Dilek

AYAR-DİLEK

2022

Elektronik Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi

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The rise of protectionism against the economic liberal order is a much-debated issue which is also associated with the debates on the future of the liberal order. This paper argues that Trump"s economic protectionism is temporary and aims to strengthen the economic capacity of the United States rather than destroying the liberal economic order. As the USA ensures about the future of its hegemony and make himself the most beneficiary state, there can be less intervention to the functioning of the economic order. In doing this, he uses all power instruments of a hegemon which are material capability, institutions, and discourses. Trump aims to materially strengthen the USA position, and he supports this position with reorganized institutions and discourses within the liberal order. It is considered that reorganizing rules of institutions and creating a new language against the potential rivals is the most cost-effective way to preserve the global position of the United States.

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1. The Leader Can’t Lead When the Followers Won’t Follow

Cited by 11 publications

References 0 publications

Public diplomacy and regional leadership struggles: the case of Saudi Arabia

Public diplomacy and regional leadership struggles: the case of Saudi Arabia

The regional powers’ research programme in international relations: a critical assessment

The American Hegemony Between the Rise of Neo-Protectionism and Liberal Economic Order

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