A Clash of Racializations: The Policing of ‘Race’ and of Anti-Muslim Racism in Ireland

Abstract

National manifestations of anti-Muslim racism reflect both transnational and local self-imaginings and relations of power. In this article, Carr and Haynes present Irish anti-Muslim racism as exemplifying the confluence of such forces. They argue that Muslims are caught in a clash of racializations; in this instance, between exclusionary Irishness and racialized Muslimness. Both operate to expose Muslims to racist activity while concomitantly excluding them from the protection of the State. Carr and Haynes argue that the State's failure to tackle anti-Muslim racism is part of a wider dismantling of the apparatus to address racism, which reflects both the neoliberalization of 'race' and the racing of neoliberalism. In support of these arguments, Carr and Haynes present extensive primary data which evidences the complex intersectional relationship between religion, 'race', ethnicity and gender in the lived experience of anti-Muslim racism and underline its existence as a cohesive phenomenon.

Interrogating representations of “militants” and “terrorists” in the United States’ Militant Imagery Project and the Counterterrorism Calendar

“…(Garner and Selod 2015, 14) This is especially the case in the post-11 September 2001 ("9/11") period where Arabs and Muslims in the West have been homogenised and represented in stereotypical ways, while also being linked with violence. 8 These post-9/11 practices range from targeted surveillance (American Civil Liberties Union n.d.), to Hollywood and media depictions of Arabs and Muslims as dangerous others (Alsultany 2012;Shaheen 2008Shaheen , 2014, to other examples of anti-Muslim experiences and Islamophobia (Carr and Haynes 2015;Clay 2011;Garner and Selod 2015;Gottschalk and Greenberg 2008;Kaplan 2006;Moosavi 2015;Semati 2010). The political and media discourse in the United States after the 13 November 2015 Paris attacks reflects and builds upon this Islamophobia.…”

Impact of Religious Self-Identification and Church Attendance on Social Distance toward Muslims

“…These phenomena certainly can (and probably they have already done it) create the environment and the overall socio-political context for developing negative attitudes toward Muslims and Islam in the West as well as its satellite countries (which Croatia certainly is). This is also supported by a number of recent papers in (Western) Europe addressing the theme of Islam and Muslims (Adida et al 2010;Bleich 2009;Carr and Haynes 2013;Ciftci 2012;Elchardus and Spruyt 2014;Fetzer and Soper 2003;Field 2007;González et al 2008;Mandel 2014;Nilsson 2015;Savelkoul et al 2012;Spruyt and Elchardus 2012;Strabac and Listhaug 2008;Wike and Grim 2010). Many of them refer to the increased values of negative attitudes toward Muslims in Europe, which can be brought in the context of immigration and terrorism, poor economic conditions, the cultural heritage of communism and the lack of democratic tradition in post-communist countries (Jeong 2017).…”

The Geographies of Everyday Muslim Life in the West

“…Despite the hyper policy and legislative attention, hyped media attention, and public commentary, there has been no evidence reported that establishes an empirical link between disaffection borne of Islamophobia and a vulnerability to violent extremism. This is fortunate, as the exposure to Islamophobia is high, as Dunn et al show in this issue (see also Carr and Haynes 2015). If Islamophobia did underpin violent extremism then there would be a profound security threat.…”