No abstract

National manifestations of anti-Muslim racism reflect both transnational and local self-imaginings and relations of power. In this article, Carr and Haynes present Irish anti-Muslim racism as exemplifying the confluence of such forces. They argue that Muslims are caught in a clash of racializations; in this instance, between exclusionary Irishness and racialized Muslimness. Both operate to expose Muslims to racist activity while concomitantly excluding them from the protection of the State. Carr and Haynes argue that the State's failure to tackle anti-Muslim racism is part of a wider dismantling of the apparatus to address racism, which reflects both the neoliberalization of 'race' and the racing of neoliberalism. In support of these arguments, Carr and Haynes present extensive primary data which evidences the complex intersectional relationship between religion, 'race', ethnicity and gender in the lived experience of anti-Muslim racism and underline its existence as a cohesive phenomenon.

This article investigates the role of journalists in the media construction of a socially excluded and stigmatized local authority housing estate. We seek to identify the ways in which the production context of 'newsmaking' is reflected in such content. Having outlined the problematic ways in which the estate in question is portrayed, we argue that an increasingly competitive commercial environment -best evidenced in the marketization of news -is increasing pressures on journalists to prioritize circulation figures and audience ratings over journalistic balance. Our analysis of this issue is guided by two interconnected and over-arching theoretical approaches, namely social exclusion and political economy. Our analysis is situated squarely in the context of recent debates concerning the social and political implications of the increased marketization of news. In reasserting the importance of a critical sociology of journalism, our case raises fundamental questions about the practice of journalism and how complex issues such as social exclusion and poverty are represented in a media setting.

We examine how an Irish stigmatised neighbourhood is represented by Google Street View. In spite of Google's claims that Street View allows for 'a virtual reflection of the real world to enable armchair exploration' (McClendon, 2010). We show how it is directly implicated in the politics of representations. We focus on the manner in which Street View has contributed to the stigmatisation of a marginalised neighbourhood. Methodologically, we adopt a rhetorical/structuralist analysis of the images of Moyross present on Street View. While Google has said the omissions were 'for operational reasons', we argue that a wider social and ideological context may have influenced Google's decision to exclude Moyross. We examine the opportunities available for contesting such representations, which have significance for the immediate and longterm future of the estate, given the necessity to attract businesses into Moyross as part of the ongoing economic aspect of the regeneration of this area.

Concerns the effects of world class manufacturing on the quality of working life of shop floor workers. Theoretically, it is grounded in the conflict between two opposing paradigms – the flexible specialisation thesis and labour process theory. Methodologically, it is based on qualitative data gathered in 1996 during in‐depth interviews with employees of a West of Ireland factory established in the use of world class manufacturing methods (fieldwork for a Masters degree minor dissertation). The results of the research indicate that the majority of world class manufacturing methods increase the intensity of work, without yielding proportionate compensation for workers. Based on these findings, the interpretation of world class manufacturing supported by labour process theory was found to be far more accurate a rendering than that promoted by the flexible specialisation thesis.