A (not so) paradoxical instance of compensatory lengthening: Samothraki Greek and theoretical implications

Abstract

Samothraki Greek onset-/r/ deletion with subsequent compensatory lengthening (CL) of the following vowel poses two major problems for current phonological theory. First, such a pattern should be impossible because in moraic theory onsets never bear weight, thus — under the assumption that CL is all about mora conservation (cf. Hayes 1989 and several others) — their deletion should not induce lengthening. Second, CL is an instance of opacity, and opacity is the single biggest conundrum that Optimality Theory faces. This paper addresses both issues and suggests that CL should not be treated as mora conservation, but instead as position preservation through the presence of a mora. This move sidesteps the previous problems as no reference to the input moraicity of segments is required and consequently, onsets, like codas, can cause CL. Moreover, concerns about OT’s parallelism, single input-output mapping, and Richness of the Base are taken into account ensuring that the resulting analysis observes all of them. The proposed solution neatly accounts for a number of CL cases and is successfully implemented in Samothraki Greek, an elaborate analysis of which is offered to capture the full range of facts.

The Gulf of Guinea Proto-Creole and Its Daughter Languages: From Liquid Consonants to Complex Onsets and Vowel Lengthening

“…This does not mean, however, that compensatory lengthening cannot occur because of the loss of non-moraic segments. Our analysis, therefore, allies itself with the views proposed by Topintzi (2006) and Gess (2011), since the ggpc's daughter languages, except st, exhibit compensatory vowel lengthening that result from the loss of consonantal segments, whether moraic or not.…”

“…Topintzi alleges that the onset not be the only trigger for lengthening, as in Samothracian Greek but also target for lengthening, as other languages indicate. For more information about onset behavior and compensatory lengthening, seeTopintzi (2006) andCampos-Astorkiza (2011).…”

Vowel deletion as mora usurpation: the case of Yine

“…However, moras on short vowels or weight by position of coda consonants are non-contrastive, and assigned predictably in the phonological derivation. Various analyses in different OT frameworks have been proposed to account for the opacity of compensatory lengthening in OT: enriched inputs (Sprouse 1997), sympathy theory (McCarthy 2003), taking compensatory lengthening to be position preservation via a mora (Topintzi 2006), OT-CC (Shaw 2009), stratal OT (Kiparsky 2011) and turbidity theory (Goldrick 2000). In my containment-based account, compensatory lengthening simply follows automatically, since the ‘deleted’ consonant is never literally deleted, but remains present in the structure and requires moraic licensing even if it is not phonetically interpreted.…”

Underapplication Opacity Beyond the Non-Local Compensatory Lengthening in Modern Colloquial Persian

“…The CL approach is problematic in phonological analysis, especially Optimality Theory (OT), because a sequence of processes is impossible in two-level OT; that is, OT comprising an input and a surface (Shaw, 2007). In other words, CL requires intermediate levels between the input and the surface, which in turn makes opacity a major problem in OT analysis (Topintzi, 2012). Kiparsky (1973, p. 79) deduced that phonological opacity stems from counterfeeding and counterbleeding interactions as follows.…”