A Perinatal Intervention Program for Urban American Indians—Part 1: Design, Implementation, and Outcomes

Davis, Carol; Prater, Sandra L.

doi:10.1624/105812401x88282

Cited by 7 publications

(8 citation statements)

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“…Compared to the matched control group, Māori children who received Family Start had a higher likelihood of being fully up-to-date with immunisations in their first 2 years, and their mothers appeared more likely to use addiction services. These findings are also compatible with other indigenous home-visiting programmes (Barlow, et al, 2015;Davis & Prater, 2001). Family Start appears to strengthen the connection between young whānau and other services, and motivate and support mothers to tackle difficult issues in their own lives.…”

Section: Box 3 Sudi Prevention Efforts As a Competing Explanationsupporting

confidence: 84%

“…This programme encouraged American Indian women in Wisconsin into prenatal care, and visited with women twice-once before baby was born and once again afterwards. No preterm or low birthweight babies were born, and no infants died for the women who participated in this intervention (Davis & Prater, 2001;Prater & Davis, 2002). At least two of the factors described as contributing to the success of this programme can also be found in Family Start; namely, use of a culturally responsive "logo to identify the program [and] helpful and culturally sensitive staff" (Davis & Prater, 2001, pp.…”

Section: Box 3 Sudi Prevention Efforts As a Competing Explanationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…12-13). Although Davis and Prater (2001) described a lack of nurturing among mothers, with the programme often referring mothers to a separate nurturing programme, the Āhuru Mōwai and Born to Learn curriculum was delivered as part of Family Start to support parenting and nurturing.…”

Section: Box 3 Sudi Prevention Efforts As a Competing Explanationmentioning

confidence: 99%

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He awa whiria—braided rivers: Understanding the outcomes from Family Start for Māori

Cram¹,

Vette²,

Wilson³

et al. 2018

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In Aotearoa New Zealand a braided rivers-he awa whiria metaphor is facilitating conversations between Māori (indigenous peoples) and non-Māori researchers about the integration of knowledge systems. This article explores how an approach based on he awa whiria can work in practice in the examination of the efficacy for Māori whānau (families) of the government's intensive home-visiting programme, Family Start. A retrospective impact evaluation of Family Start for children born from 2004 to 2011 examined the outcomes for children in families receiving Family Start, compared to a matched control group who did not receive this service. The awa-or knowledge streams-called upon to inform the consideration of the findings for Māori from this evaluation related to: Family Start and its child development and parenting curriculum Āhuru Mōwai and Born to Learn, whānau ora, and measures of whānau wellbeing, other indigenous home-visiting programmes, the impact evaluation method, and the indigenous data sovereignty movement. Braiding (whiria) across these knowledge streams offered new perspectives on the impact evaluation's results for Māori. These results suggested that Family Start reduced post-neonatal mortality for Māori children, regardless of whether the Family Start provider was Māori or nonMāori. Māori children receiving Family Start were more likely to be fully up-to-date with immunisations at age 2, and their mothers were more likely to access services for treatment of addiction relative to the control group. The impact of Family Start on child maltreatment was uncertain. He awa whiria provided a vehicle for Māori and non-Māori research and practice expertise to contribute knowledge to understanding Family Start and explaining these findings. This metaphor holds the promise of supporting Māori engagement with the growing use of linked administrative data.In 1998 the Aotearoa New Zealand government introduced Family Start, an intensive home-visiting programme for pregnant mothers and families with preschool children. The programme targets families and whānau 1 whose social, economic, and family circumstances put at risk good health, education, and social outcomes for their children. Referrals are made by a range of organisations and individuals, and families and whānau may self-refer. Families and whānau are generally enrolled prior to their child's first birthday and remain in the programme until the family can confidently cope and access support on their own, or the child reaches school age (Ministry of Social Development, 2016). Half the children served by Family Start are Māori (Vaithianathan, Wilson, Maloney & Baird, 2016).A recent impact evaluation of Family Start covered children entering the programme over the period 2004to 2011 -12 (Vaithianathan et al., 2016. During this time, Family Start workers made regular home visits (either weekly or fortnightly depending on need) and sought to improve parenting using a structured child development and parenting curriculum called "Āhuru Mōwai and Born to Learn" (se...

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Section: Box 3 Sudi Prevention Efforts As a Competing Explanationsupporting

confidence: 84%

Section: Box 3 Sudi Prevention Efforts As a Competing Explanationmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 1 more Smart Citation

He awa whiria—braided rivers: Understanding the outcomes from Family Start for Māori

Cram¹,

Vette²,

Wilson³

et al. 2018

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“…2000; Badr 2001; Davis & Prater 2001). Observations of varying levels of talking, looking, holding, and physical contact behaviours have been attributed to socio‐economic variables including maternal education, age, and literacy and described as ‘normative but divergent pathways consistent with mental health [of children] in their respective cultural environments’ (Sharma & Levine 1998, p. 45; Davis & Prater 2001). However, some of these differences may be attributed to deeply rooted and intergenerationally transmitted social traumas that impair culturally normative parenting practices (Yellow Horse Brave Heart 1999).…”

Section: Parent–child Interactions and Ethnicitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(MacDonald-Clark & Harney-Boffman 1994;Seideman et al 1996;Sharma & Levine 1998;Wallace et al . 1998;Cardona et al 2000;Badr 2001;Davis & Prater 2001). Observations of varying levels of talking, looking, holding, and physical contact behaviours have been attributed to socio-economic variables including maternal education, age, and literacy and described as 'normative but divergent pathways consistent with mental health [of children] in their respective cultural environments' (Sharma & Levine 1998, p. 45;Davis & Prater 2001).…”

Section: Parent-child Interactions and Ethnicitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Low‐income Canadian Aboriginal and non‐Aboriginal parent–child interactions

Letourneau

Hungler

Fisher

2005

Child

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While the findings that compare the Aboriginal and Non-Aboriginal samples are limited by the small sample size, the fact that these findings agree with those from heterogeneous Aboriginal samples drawn from the USA are encouraging. Finally, the findings provide needed information about parent-child interactions in Canadian low-income urban samples including data from Aboriginal parents and children.

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Family-centred interventions for Indigenous early childhood well-being by primary healthcare services

Strobel

Chamberlain

Campbell

et al. 2022

Cochrane Database of Systematic Reviews

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A Perinatal Intervention Program for Urban American Indians—Part 1: Design, Implementation, and Outcomes

Cited by 7 publications

References 0 publications

He awa whiria—braided rivers: Understanding the outcomes from Family Start for Māori

He awa whiria—braided rivers: Understanding the outcomes from Family Start for Māori

Low‐income Canadian Aboriginal and non‐Aboriginal parent–child interactions

Family-centred interventions for Indigenous early childhood well-being by primary healthcare services

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