Adolescents in Latin America and the Caribbean: Examining Time Allocation Decisions with Cross-Country Data

Menezes-Filho, Naércio Aquino; Fernandez, Reynaldo; Picchetti, Paulo; Barros, Ricardo Paes de; Corseuil, Carlos Henrique Leite; Fogel, Miguel; Santos, Daniel; Wajnman, Simone; Leme, Maria Carolina da Silva

doi:10.2139/ssrn.1814728

Cited by 5 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…For example, Colombian boys participate in construction, mining, and preparing coca leaves. In Honduras, 70% of rural boys who could still be in secondary school are working (Menezes-Filho, Fernandes, Narita, & Picchetti, 2016). Boys’ education could be particularly negatively affected by father absence in rural areas, in low-income households, and in families in which the mother is the lone adult: We test for gender differences in the effect of father absence in the overall sample as well as these subgroups.…”

Section: Why the Gendered Effect Of Father Absence Might Differ Across Contexts?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Father Absence and the Reverse Gender Gap in Latin American Education

DeRose

Huarcaya

Salazar-Arango

2018

Journal of Family Issues

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Recent work on gender differences in academic performance in wealthy countries highlights the importance of family structure: Boys’ education suffers more than girls’ education does when biological fathers are absent. We explored whether high rates of father absence in Latin America and the Caribbean might help explain why girls in the region have been more likely than boys to complete secondary school for decades. Data from the Demographic and Health Surveys instead demonstrated that the effect of father absence did not differ between boys and girls. The reverse gender gap in Latin American education cannot be explained by father absence compromising boys’ on-time progression at ages 9 to 14 more than girls’. In the United States and other high-income countries, boys are particularly disadvantaged by father absence in poorer households, but in Latin America and the Caribbean poorer households may have higher levels of promale bias that offset any similar pattern.

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Section: Why the Gendered Effect Of Father Absence Might Differ Across Contexts?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Father Absence and the Reverse Gender Gap in Latin American Education

DeRose

Huarcaya

Salazar-Arango

2018

Journal of Family Issues

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“…7 To compute the HAZ we used the EpiInfo software. 8 Menezes- Filho et al (2002) analyzed time allocation decisions for children and adolescents in several Latin American and Caribbean countries. Problems with school attendance can be linked to variables reflecting the household structure in the various countries, in particular parental education and the number of young children.…”

Section: Descriptive Analysismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Some studies on school attendance and child labor are based on the estimation of a multinomial logit model (Menezes-Filho et al, 2002;Corseuil et al, 2001). Normally, they use four alternatives: work and study, only study, only work, no study and no work.…”

Section: Econometric Specification 10mentioning

confidence: 99%

School absenteeism, work and health among Brazilian children: Full information versus limited information model

2013

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We estimate a system of three behavioral equations for Brazilian children and teenagers (school absenteeism, health status and child labor). We relieved the assumption of independence of the disturbance terms of each equation. Moreover, if causality mechanisms between these three components (school absenteeism, health status and child labor) can occur either way, it can also be the result of a simultaneous decision-making process. Thus, to take into account both endogenous causality aspects and simultaneity, we estimate using the FIML method, which provides some improvement to the quality of the estimation, allowing us to simultaneously estimate all relevant parameters, including covariance parameters, and also to the subsequent interpretation of the results

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“…One of the most thorough studies of adolescent behavior throughout the region noted that students were more likely to work full or part time if their parents had little education, if they had many younger brothers and sisters at home, if the family income was low, and if youth unemployment was high (Menezes-Filho 2003). 16 This study though focused almost exclusively on the constraints that kept students from investing in education and concluded, "Thus, in order to increase schooling levels in Latin America, it will be necessary to disseminate information on the economic returns to education, as well as find alternative forms of care for young children so that older siblings do not have to drop out of school" (Menezes-Filho 2003, 143).…”

Section: Limits On Individual Demand For Educationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Education, Training, and the Low-Skill Trap

2013

Hierarchical Capitalism in Latin America

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This section examines business demand for skills from four main vantage points: 1) overall shifts in employment in the wake of market reforms, especially from manufacturing to services and commodity production; 2) weak demand for skilled labor by MNCs; 3) peculiarities of labor regulation and training programs sponsored by governments that favor in-house training; 6. Skills -4and 4) trends in returns to education. Each perspective highlights limits on business demand for skills, especially compared to other countries and to past trends. 5 Since the 1980s, the major shifts in employment in Latin America were from manufacturing to services, from the public to the private sector, from rural to urban areas, and from formal to informal employment (Stallings and Peres 2000;Palma 2005;IDB 2003;Lora 2008). Some of these were longer term secular trends, others responses to policy shifts. Trade openings forced uncompetitive manufacturers to close and many competitive ones to down size to improve productivity. Employment fell in manufacturing, and many technicians and engineers lost their jobs. Industrial employment held steady in Mexico, while it dropped throughout most of the rest of the region (Berg, Ernst, and Auer 2006, 19). In the 1990s, the greatest employment growth came in the service sector which accounted for "more than 95 percent of new net job creation" in most of the large countries (Stallings and Peres 2000, 198).Privatization, FDI, deregulation, and suppressed demand fueled booms in telecommunications, finance, insurance, and public utilities like electricity, but these sectors accounted for only about a quarter of new jobs. Other lower technology, low wage sectors like "commerce, restaurants and hotels, together with social, communal, and personal services, accounted for 74 percent of all jobs created in the region" (Stallings and Peres 2000, 198). The last major, overlapping area of growth was the informal sector which accounted for nearly 60 percent of new jobs, predominantly unskilled, in the 1990s (in one study of seven countries (Stallings and Peres 2000, 119)).The commodity boom of the 2000s buoyed growth rates but did not boost overall demand for skilled labor (exceptional demand in Brazil is considered later). After 2000, international demand boomed for raw materials and semi-processed commodities like pulp and paper, minerals, metals (steel and aluminum), oil and gas, basic agricultural goods, and agro-industrial 6.

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Adolescents in Latin America and the Caribbean: Examining Time Allocation Decisions with Cross-Country Data

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

Father Absence and the Reverse Gender Gap in Latin American Education

Father Absence and the Reverse Gender Gap in Latin American Education

School absenteeism, work and health among Brazilian children: Full information versus limited information model

Education, Training, and the Low-Skill Trap

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