“…Eade and Sallnow (1991, p. 15) analysed pilgrimages as "empty vessels" that people fill with the meanings of their choice, and as "arenas" of intertwining and competition between multiple dimensions (religious, social, economic and political). The crossing of religious boundaries has also been questioned through the study of the mixed dimension of certain pilgrimage spaces which, although being affiliated to one religion, are nevertheless attended by worshippers of other faiths (Albera and Couroucli, 2012;Albera et al, 2022;Barkan and Barkey, 2014;Bigelow, 2010;Bowman, 2012;Hayden et al, 2016;Zarcone and Hobart, 2017;Albera et al, 2018). Marketing journals recently welcomed the theme of religious marketing and consumption (Rinallo and Alemany Oliver, 2019), with six journals (including this one) devoting special issues [1], and an entire journal dedicated to Islamic marketing (Journal of Islamic Marketing).…”
Section: Spiritual Consumption Votive Materialities and Circulations ...mentioning
Purpose
To date, a few studies have examined the use and circulation of votive materiality in religious pilgrimages. However, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, no study has explored the ritual reuse of votive materiality within pilgrimages. This paper aims to explore the (re)uses and circulations of votive materiality in the ritual process.
Design/methodology/approach
In the analysis, the authors adopt the cross-views of an anthropologist and a marketing researcher. Votive practices are examined through the anthropologist’s past ethnographies. Audiovisual data play a central role in this analysis. Moreover, the authors choose a comparative perspective by focusing on two not famed pilgrimage arenas, each mobilising Muslim pilgrims and food offerings.
Findings
Revisiting the thoughts of Weber (1978) on the religious field and those of Kotler (2019) on transformational experiences, the authors propose a graphic schematisation to trace the circulations of votive materiality (sugar) involving four interdependent ideal-typical actors: the merchant, the priest, the mystical operator and the pilgrim-consumer who, in her/his quest for the divine, is the target for the first three. Either pilgrims or mystical operators can ritually reuse votive materiality. However, such reuses are not performed for ecological purposes, but for practical reasons, mainly due to an overabundance of votive materiality.
Originality/value
It is often believed that a votive object is only for single use, used only once, for a single request or thanksgiving, by a single person. But the authors show that once used, certain votive objects – as vehicles for grace – can be reused, revealing an unexpected ritual reuse.
“…Eade and Sallnow (1991, p. 15) analysed pilgrimages as "empty vessels" that people fill with the meanings of their choice, and as "arenas" of intertwining and competition between multiple dimensions (religious, social, economic and political). The crossing of religious boundaries has also been questioned through the study of the mixed dimension of certain pilgrimage spaces which, although being affiliated to one religion, are nevertheless attended by worshippers of other faiths (Albera and Couroucli, 2012;Albera et al, 2022;Barkan and Barkey, 2014;Bigelow, 2010;Bowman, 2012;Hayden et al, 2016;Zarcone and Hobart, 2017;Albera et al, 2018). Marketing journals recently welcomed the theme of religious marketing and consumption (Rinallo and Alemany Oliver, 2019), with six journals (including this one) devoting special issues [1], and an entire journal dedicated to Islamic marketing (Journal of Islamic Marketing).…”
Section: Spiritual Consumption Votive Materialities and Circulations ...mentioning
Purpose
To date, a few studies have examined the use and circulation of votive materiality in religious pilgrimages. However, to the best of the authors’ knowledge, no study has explored the ritual reuse of votive materiality within pilgrimages. This paper aims to explore the (re)uses and circulations of votive materiality in the ritual process.
Design/methodology/approach
In the analysis, the authors adopt the cross-views of an anthropologist and a marketing researcher. Votive practices are examined through the anthropologist’s past ethnographies. Audiovisual data play a central role in this analysis. Moreover, the authors choose a comparative perspective by focusing on two not famed pilgrimage arenas, each mobilising Muslim pilgrims and food offerings.
Findings
Revisiting the thoughts of Weber (1978) on the religious field and those of Kotler (2019) on transformational experiences, the authors propose a graphic schematisation to trace the circulations of votive materiality (sugar) involving four interdependent ideal-typical actors: the merchant, the priest, the mystical operator and the pilgrim-consumer who, in her/his quest for the divine, is the target for the first three. Either pilgrims or mystical operators can ritually reuse votive materiality. However, such reuses are not performed for ecological purposes, but for practical reasons, mainly due to an overabundance of votive materiality.
Originality/value
It is often believed that a votive object is only for single use, used only once, for a single request or thanksgiving, by a single person. But the authors show that once used, certain votive objects – as vehicles for grace – can be reused, revealing an unexpected ritual reuse.
“…The Tekke has been transformed by Turkey from an interreligious site, shared by Greek and Turkish Cypriots as a place of sanctity and recreation, into an exclusivist Sunni-Muslim one with a destroyed environment 19 . Namely, not only the practices and discourses attached to the site, but also the physical qualities of the building and its environment has been claimed and altered by the politically dominant (Hayden et al 2016). The competition over controlling the site or its aspects display intragroup power asymmetries and the imposition of institutionalized Sunnism by the colonizer. Figure 1. Hz.…”
Section: A Case Study: Hz öMer Tekke and Negotiations Over “Proper” R...mentioning
confidence: 99%
“… 2 The theoretical model of antagonistic tolerance depends on Hayden’s 2002 article in Current Anthropology on competitive sharing of religious sites in India and the Balkans and the successive comparative research in Bulgaria, India, Turkey and Portugal (Hayden et al 2016). …”
Section: Notesmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Broadly put, scholars portray shared sites and the interactions that take place in them as fundamentally peaceful (Barkey 2014; Bowman 2012) and/or competitive (Hasluck 1929; Hassner 2009) with periods of interruption either in peaceful coexistence or in violence. These works extensively discuss the intercommunal and, to a lesser extent, intracommunal relations, emphasizing long-term historical patterns (Albera 2008; Hayden et al 2016) or daily choreographies of sharing at a specific time and place (Bowman 2010; Henig 2012). Robert M. Hayden’s theoretical model of Antagonistic Tolerance (AT) 2 explains situations in which two communities distinguish themselves as Self and Other, primarily on the basis of differing religions, and predicts long periods of relatively peaceful interactions, interspersed with periods of violence when dominance is challenged.…”
Section: Introduction and Theoretical Frameworkmentioning
This article shows how everyday religious practices inform the processes of social identification, complicate presumed ethno-religious categories, and mediate local cultural differences in face of political and cultural hegemonic practices. In the context of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, a de facto state recognized only by Turkey, Turkish Cypriots and Turks are considered to share an ethnicity and religion. This “overlap” has been employed to justify Turkey’s military intervention and its political, economic, and cultural domination over the island. Yet the cultural diversities and “perceived” differences between and among these groups are exacerbated by power dynamics, nationalist agendas, and mutual biases. The article explains subtle discussions around “genuine” Turkish and Muslim identities, as well as the enforced coexistence and constructed brotherhood of Cypriots and Turks on the island. The competing accounts of the “correct” interpretation of Islam at a Muslim tekke reflect intragroup power asymmetries and the conflict between institutionalized Sunni-Orthodox and “heterodox” local Islam. The article focuses on two overlooked issues in the scholarship on Northern Cyprus—the relations between Turkish Cypriots and settlers from Turkey, and the role of religion in the political processes—as well as on literature on shared sacred sites and an analysis of competitive intracommunal interactions.
“…For example, some archaeologists and historians explore our concern for the past (e.g., Rebecca Bryant 2016) as a lesson and legacy for the present. Moreover, some anthropologists (e.g., Hayden et al 2016) argue that coexistence does not always imply peace; even when different faith groups share the same place and similar beliefs, those encounters can become hostile. The mechanisms for peaceful coexistence, for cosmopolitanism, for mutual appreciation of social diversity is complicated and complex.…”
Section: Places Of Coexistence Spaces Of Separationsmentioning
To mark history, governments authorize the erecting of markers, signs on the landscape meant to inform. While historical markers have a long tradition for identifying places with significant events and people, there has been an expansion on what and how to mark places and their heritage. Signs capture the attention and provide information for those interested in learning about where they are at the moment. They are in-situ teaching tools, open to anyone able to interpret the heritage for broad audiences, and can encourage places for cosmopolitanism, canopies for people to learn about the past and each other. What Archaeology Provides We live in a world of gross political, economic, and social inequalities. One expression of the long-standing optimism for human equity in archaeology is exemplified by a 1963 popular book by Glyn Daniel (re-issued as Daniel and Renfrew 1988: 152), when the archaeologist stated decades ago in The Idea of Prehistory: "Whether we are Americans, Russians, Indians, or Chinese we share a universal human historical heritage. I do not pretend, or imagine, that a recognition of this fact will alter present-day differences but if people really had an awareness of human history it should put present-day differences in a different perspective and one that made for tolerance." This use of the past as an argument for more egalitarian understandings of the present is increasingly significant; for instance, the Guardian article on December 21, 2016 titled "Why Archaeology Needs to Come out of the Cave and into the Digital Age" concluded with "Our deep Baram: In an Age of Heritage Signs, Encouraging Archaeological Sites to be Cosmopolitan Canopies Art.
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