Brexit and the renaissance of parliamentary authority

Abstract

With the promised return of Parliamentary powers, Brexit is supposed to be a fillip for representative democracy. There is a significant danger that will not be so. EU membership weakened the conditions for representative democracy within those fields governed by the EU. Whitehall will almost be the central player in the reform of EU-derived law. And policy styles are being developed which marginalise rather than consolidate UK legislatures in these fields. Restoration of representative democracy will require a realistic re-evaluation of its virtues so that these can be protected and a re-imagination of the possibilities and limits of parliaments within such a landscape.

Transforming Brexit Britain

“…In an effective representative democracy the furtherance of the "greater good" warrants representatives being endowed with what can be described as "representative judgment," reaching a balance between the individual, plural, and common needs and aspirations of a community in total and translating that into fair and rational decisions that uphold core values (Chalmers, 2017). Representative judgment does not yield to what might be the emotive and temporal views of the mass at a given moment.…”

The Political Economy of Brexit and the Future of British Capitalism Second Symposium

“…These debates have taken on an immediacy for those living in Britain hailing from other EU member states, those living in other member states hailing from Britain, and those within Britain hailing from states that came to be British. Such identity issues have created enormous tensions for the formal political, legal and economic institutions that have governed British politics for many decades (Chalmers 2017).…”

Devamlilik Mi Kirilma Mi? Brexit Sonrasi Dönemde Bi̇rleşi̇k Krallik-Türki̇ye İli̇şki̇leri̇ni̇n Karşilaştirmali Diş Poli̇ti̇ka Anali̇zi̇

“…Her iki konu üzerine de literatür yeni yeni gelişmekte ve yeterli kaynak oluşturmamaktadır. Örneğin Brexit ve popülizm (Freeden, 2017;Richet, 2018), Brexit, küresel Trumpizm ve toplumsal cinsiyet (Hozic ve True, 2017), Brexit ve Trump'ın zaferi (Schmidt, 2017), Brexit ve Hayekçi düşünce (Worth, 2017), Brexit'in ekonomi politiği (Thompson, 2017), BK'nın post-Brexit dünyadaki algısı (Adler-Nissen vd., 2017), Brexit sonrası BK-ABD ilişkileri (Rees, 2017), Brexit ve Trumpizm'in ilişkisi (Wilson, 2017), göç politikalarının Brexit üzerindeki etkisi (Goodwin ve Milazzo, 2017), Brexit'in Londra'nın finans merkezi olması üzerindeki etkisi (Hall ve Wójcik, 2018), Polanyi'nin düşüncelerinin Brexit üzerindeki etkisi (Hopkin, 2017), serbest dolaşım ve Brexit (Parker, 2017), Brexit'in Kuzey İrlanda ve BK ilişkilerine etkisi (Gormley-Heenan ve Aughey, 2017), Brexit'in İskoçya ve BK ilişkilerine etkisi (McHarg ve Mitchell, 2017), Brexit'in Galler ve BK ilişkilerine etkisi (Hunt ve Minto, 2017), Brexit ve BK-Almanya İlişkileri (Wurzel, 2018), Brexit ve ulusal kimlik (Henderson vd., 2017), Brexit ve jeopolitik (Bachmann ve Sidaway, 2016), Brexit ve kamu hukuku (Chalmers, 2017), Brexit ve katarsis (Duke, 2018), Brexit ve insan kaçakçılığı (Ventrella, 2018), Brexit ve Avrupa hukuku-anayasacılığı (Cengiz, 2017;Karacan, 2017), Brexit ve Avro-şüphecilik (Çolak ve Bozkaya, 2018), Brexit ve Avrupalılaşma (Soytürk, 2017), Brexit ve ekonomik oy verme (Goes, 2018), Brexit ve Merkezi-Orta Avrupa (Hekimler, 2017), Brexit ve organik kriz (Jessop, 2017), Brexit ve Avro Bölgesi'nin geleceği (Kılcı, 2018), Brexit ve BK'nın AB'den kopuş modelleri (Konuralp ve Adaş, 2018), Brexit ve din-oy verme ilişkisi (Kolpinskaya ve Fox, 2019), Brexit ve teknokratik faydacılık (Lee, 2018), Brexit ve post-truth 3 siyaseti…”