Civil Society and Peacebuilding in Bosnia and Herzegovina

Abstract

The concept of civil society has acquired an unprecedented worldwide popularity, especially in development programs. This article investigates the international effort to build civil society in Bosnia and Herzegovina in order to foster peace and democratization, this in response to disappointment with traditional economic, military, and political strategies. The results of this major investment of resources, however, have been unsatisfactory. The international community's lack of a coherent long-term strategy and the adoption of a conception of civil society that is often at odds with Bosnian context and history hinder the transition to genuine reconciliation among the three ethnic groups. Examining two major areas of intervention - facilitating the advocacy role of local civic groups and fostering citizens' participation - I show that the international community has failed to comprehend both the political and the social meaning of its involvement. Although the focus on civil society is meant to overcome the limits of external regulation and to emphasize indigenous and community-based contributions to peacebuilding, the international community's approach is to make local development dependent upon the international presence. The result is a failure to address the structural problems that affect the country and to hinder, rather than foster, the formation of an open and democratic civil society.

Grassroots Narratives and Practices of Diversity in Mostar and Novi Sad

“…Another concern is that the actual impact of the two narratives and corresponding practices may in fact be limited: events and publications praising diversity usually attract people who do not need to be convinced of its value, and symbols are rarely enough to truly engage minorities in work of particular associations or to effectively promote change in attitudes. These observations are in line with earlier findings of Belloni (2001) and share an ethos that is degrees removed from territorially based identities. On the other hand, the majority is excluded (often due to lack of language skills, education, and opportunity) and clings to exclusionary and intolerant ethnically based identities' (p. 177).…”

Everyday Legitimacy in Post-Conflict Spaces: The Creation of Social Legitimacy in Bosnia-Herzegovina's Cultural Arenas

“…13 This does not only hold true for the bigger governing institutions, but represents also a criticism of international or internationally-directed /-funded NGOs. In order to get access to funding, those have to transform in terms of professionalizing according to the preferences of their donors (Mitchell and Kappler, 2009;Belloni 2001;Fagan 2005), thereby risking losing touch with society. This is an experience shared by numerous organizations that have felt the need to adapt to this system to survive.…”

“…Previous research has raised the question of legitimacy and authority in different spheres. Belloni (2001) and Fagan (2005) have outlined this problematique with respect to civil society actors, while Fox (1999) has investigated religious legitimacy and its impacts on politics more generally. Against this background, this paper focuses on the cultural arena as a sphere in which alternative structures of legitimacy are emerging.…”

Critical Junctures and Missed Opportunities: The Case of Lebanon's Cedar Revolution

“…Religion entered 2 The peacebuilding literature pits scholars who see civil society as an agent of change against those who view CSOs as products, if not extensions of, existing socio-economic and political structures (Belloni, 2001;Krznaric, 1999;Jamal, 2005;Sardamov, 2005;Paffenholz, 2010). Little if any attention is given to the role of power struggles and power asymmetries in defining the realm of possibility for non-state actors.…”