Class voting and class consciousness in Canada

Abstract

Plusieurs hypotheses existent, qui tentent d'expliquer la faiblesse du vote de classe au Canada. Je tente ici de reformuler certaines de ces hypothPses, i partir de leurs postulats i 1'6gard de la conscience de classe et de la formation de classe. Deux types d'explications sont identifies: celles, d'abord, qui soutiennent que le bas niveau de conscience de classe au Canada est la cause de I'absence de formation de classe; et celles pour qui l'inverse est vrai. Toutes les hypotheses considerees trouvent des donnees qui les supportent dans la ricente Etude electorale nationale. I1 est actuellement impossible de choisir entre elles, alors que les donnees disponibles ont une valeur limitee et que des problemes de niveaux d'analyse restent i resoudre. On devrait considerer les deux modes d'explication comme interactifs, et aussi vraisemblables l'un que l'autre.Many hypotheses have been advanced to explain the low levels of class voting in Canada. This article reformulates a number of these in terms of their assumptions about class consciousness and class formation. Explanations are divided into those which hold the society's low level of class consciousness responsible for the lack of class formation, and those which propose the reverse. Evidence from recent National Elections Study data contains support for all of the hypotheses, and it is concluded that choosing between them is currently impossible because of data limitations and level-of-analysis problems.The two lines of argument should be regarded as interactive and equally plausible.

Back to the Future? Making Sense of the 2004 Canadian Election outside Quebec

“…As in previous elections, though, there was no sign of class voting in the classic sense: as they have for the past 40 years or more~Alford, 1967; Pammett, 1987;Gidengil, 2002!, manual and non-manual workers voted much the same way. Income remained a minor factor for the NDP.…”

Political Affiliation of Canadian Professors

“…There is yet another way of addressing the extent of left-and/or rightleaning political orientation of professors and that is to follow Ogmundson to pay attention to voters' own conceptualization of the class position of political parties (Ogmundson 1975a;1975b;1976;Pammett 1987;Nakhaie 1992). This is an important consideration not only because voters may view a political party's orientation differently than professional observers, but also because political parties may shift their platforms depending on issues or historical events.…”

The Origins of Political Attitudes and Behaviours: An Analysis Using Twins

“…Some researchers maintain that in recent years Canadian politics has become increasingly ideological, and hence that the brokerage model may be less applicable to the contemporary scene than it was to previous eras for example , Cross and Young, 2002; see also Campbell and Christian, 1996;Johnston, 1988;Blake, 1988!. There is also a sizeable literature on the role of class, religion and gender in Canadian politics~for example, Ogmundson, 1975;Pammett, 1987;Nieuwbeerta, 1996;Blais, 2005;Bashevkin, 1993;Young, 2000!. But regardless of the theoretical position or paradigm adopted, only rarely does one find biological characteristics invoked as a possible explanation for Canadian political phenomenã for an exception, see Laponce, 1981!. To be sure, the conventional approaches have made major contributions to our understanding of politics.…”