Classicism, Barbarism, and Warfare: Prokopios and the Conservative Reaction to Later Roman Military Policy

Kaldellis, Anthony

doi:10.31826/9781463213930-010

Cited by 5 publications

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“…4, among many treatments of the theme. frequently, for example, in Prokopios 72 . In his speech addressed to the army in 958, Konstantinos VII reminds the men that there are units of barbarians (ἐθνικοί, ἔθνη) fighting alongside them, so the rest should fight bravely to impress the courage of "the Roman γένος" upon both them and the ὁμόφυλοι (men of the same race) 73 .…”

Section: Ethnic Distinctions Inside Byzantiummentioning

confidence: 99%

The Social Scope of Roman Identity in Byzantium: An Evidence-Based Approach

Kaldellis

2017

ByzSym

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Η ΚΟΙΝΩΝΙΚΗ ΕΜΒΕΛΕΙΑ ΤΗΣ ΡΩΜΑΪΚΗΣ ΤΑΥΤΟΤΗΤΑΣ ΣΤΟ ΒΥΖΑΝΤΙΟ: ΜΙΑ ΠΡΟΣΕΓΓΙΣΗ ΒΑΣΕΙ ΤΩΝ ΓΡΑΠΤΩΝ ΠΗΓΩΝ Έχουν προταθεί προσφάτως αντίθετες ερμηνείες αναφορικά με την κοινή διαπίστωση ότι οι Βυζαντινοί «αυτοαποκαλούνται Ρωμαίοι». Σύμφωνα με μία άποψη, το Βυζάντιο ήταν ρωμαϊκό έθνος-κράτος, ενώ αντιθέτως έχει υποστηριχθεί επίσης ότι η ρωμαϊκή ταυτότητα ήταν αποκλειστικότητα μιας αριθμητικά περιορισμένης «ελίτ». Το παρόν άρθρο χαρτογραφεί για πρώτη φορά την κοινωνική εμβέλεια της ρωμαϊκής ταυτότητας, όπως προκύπτει από τις γραπτές πηγές: ποιούς εννοούσαν οι Βυζαντινοί και οι Άραβες συγγραφείς, όταν χρησιμοποιούσαν τον όρο «Ρωμαίοι»; Οι Ρωμαίοι ήταν ένα στενό κοινωνικό-οικονομικό στρώμα ή είχαν συνείδηση ότι αποτελούσαν το μεγαλύτερο μέρος του πληθυσμού της αυτοκρατορίας; Από την ανάλυση των κειμένων προκύπτει ότι η ρωμαϊκή ταυτότητα δεν περιοριζόταν στην πολιτικοκοινωνική ελίτ της αυτοκρατορίας, αλλά αφορούσε σε όλα σχεδόν τα κοινωνικά στρώματα, τόσο στην Κωνσταντινούπολη όσο και στην επαρχία. Η αντίθετη ερμηνεία περί ελίτ βασίζεται σε παραπλανητικές σύγχρονες θεωρίες και όχι στις πρωτογενείς πηγές.

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Section: Ethnic Distinctions Inside Byzantiummentioning

confidence: 99%

The Social Scope of Roman Identity in Byzantium: An Evidence-Based Approach

Kaldellis

2017

ByzSym

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“…Attaleiates was neither the first nor the last Roman who turned to the Republic to find a model of successful warfare and virtuous statecraft in humble recognition of religious difference. 34 In the West, however, it was not until Machiavelli that paganism was discussed in such a dispassionate way and recognized as a critical factor in the military and political successes of ancient Rome. 35 Considering, then, the comparison of Attaleiates and Salvianus, we may say that in the eleventh century the eastern Roman empire was experiencing belatedly much the same that its western counterpart had in the fifth.…”

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A Byzantine Argument for the Equivalence of All Religions: Michael Attaleiates on Ancient and Modern Romans*

Kaldellis

2007

Int class trad

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This paper examines a comparison made by the eleventh-century Byzantine historian Michael Attaleiates between the ancient Romans of the Republic and their descendants, the Byzantines of Attaleiates' own time. In an effort to explain, during the course of a theological argument, why the ancients were victorious despite being pagans while the Byzantines were losing despite being Christians, Attaleiates draws surprising conclusions. Arguing "between the lines," he suggests that all religions are equivalent in certain fundamental respects. It is in human virtue that one must trust for victory, and God does not care about our exact theological beliefs. The paper also considers one aspect of the reception of the Roman tradition in Byzantium (a civilization usually cast in terms of its Greek and Christian legacy), arguing that the Republic remained an important source of inspiration.H ad a western writer of the eleventh century -or for that matter of any period between Augustine and Pomponazzi -argued seriously with reference to the events of his own time that there is no fundamental difference among religions, whether Islam, paganism, Christianity, or other, with respect to having a good life, there would have been a small library's worth of scholarly discussion of his thought and historical background. Had he, in addition, been a legal scholar and classically educated writer, a high official of a Christian empire and advisor to its rulers, and a sober and exacting historian of contemporary events who was read and imitated by many and whose work drew upon a knowledge of the history of Republican Rome to propose a cor-* I thank Warren Treadgold, Wolfgang Haase, and the journal's readers for suggestions that improved my argument on many points.

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“…Prokopiusz z Cezarei, VIII,[30][31][32] A. Kaldellis, Classicism, Barbarism, andWarfare: Prokopios andthe Conservative Reaction to Later Roman Military Policy, "American Journal of Ancient History" 2004-2005, no. 3-4, s. 212.…”

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confidence: 99%

Narses i Longobardowie

Dawczyk¹

2019

Vade Nobiscum, Tom XX/2019. Studia Z Historii Politycznej I Wojskowej

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NARSES I LONGOBARDOWIE Streszczenie. Narses po raz pierwszy zetknął się z Longobardami najprawdopodobniej, kiedy walczyli pod jego komendą w trakcie kampanii przeciw Ostrogotom z 552 r. Choć okazali się dzielnymi żołnierzami, to potem dopuścili się licznych ekscesów wobec ludności cywilnej i zostali wydaleni do swojej ojczystej Panonii. Według części źródeł (np. Izydor z Sewilli, Liber pontificalis) Narses zaprosił Longobardów do Italii w 568, chcąc zemścić się na cesarzowej Zofii. Tej wersji wydarzeń nie potwierdza jednak większość najwcześniejszych źródeł (Mariusz z Avenches, Grzegorz z Tours, źródła bizantyńskie). Narracji o konszachtach wodza z Longobardami nie można jednak całkowicie odrzucić, ze względu na fakt, że znaleźć ją można w wielu źródłach niezależnych od siebie i mimo wszystko stosunkowo wiarygodnych. W nawiązaniu do hipotezy Neila Christiego można zaproponować jej rozwinięcie, które godziłoby sprzeczne przekazy i rozwiązywało problem w postaci sprzeczności ewentualnego celowego osiedlania Longobardów w Italii z niechętną barbarzyńcom polityką prowadzoną w tym czasie przez cesarstwo. Być może Narses nawiązał kontakty z Longobardami w dobrej wierze, lecz zrobił to wbrew woli pary cesarskiej, co poskutkowało jego odwołaniem. Możliwe, próba osiedlenia ludu jako sojuszników, nie była skutkiem zaproszenia, a jedynie nieudaną próbą uporządkowania stanu faktycznego, spowodowanego ich samowolnym wkroczeniem na terytorium półwyspu.

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Classicism, Barbarism, and Warfare: Prokopios and the Conservative Reaction to Later Roman Military Policy

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

The Social Scope of Roman Identity in Byzantium: An Evidence-Based Approach

The Social Scope of Roman Identity in Byzantium: An Evidence-Based Approach

A Byzantine Argument for the Equivalence of All Religions: Michael Attaleiates on Ancient and Modern Romans*

Narses i Longobardowie

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