Effect of Conflict on Age at Marriage and Age at First Birth in Rwanda

Jayaraman, Anuja; Gebreselassie, Tesfayi; Chandrasekhar, S.

doi:10.1007/s11113-008-9116-3

Cited by 54 publications

(50 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…Shemyakina (2009) presents difference-in-difference estimates of the impact of exposure to the Tajik conflict on the probability of marriage at a given age and finds that women more exposed to violent conflict were 30% less likely to be married at a given age than women in areas less exposed to violence. In a less well controlled study, Jayaraman et al (2009) find that women living in areas more affected by the 1994 Rwandan genocide married later compared to women with similar childhood rural or urban location, religion, education, and age category, but living in areas less affected by the genocide.…”

Section: Marriagementioning

confidence: 88%

What Did the Maoists Ever Do for Us? Education and Marriage of Women Exposed to Civil Conflict in Nepal

Valente¹

2011

Policy Research Working Papers

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Between 1996 and 2006, Nepal experienced violent civil conflict as a consequence of a Maoist insurgency, which many argue also brought about an increase in female empowerment. This paper exploits within and between-district variation in the intensity of violence to estimate the impact of conflict intensity on two key areas of the life of women in Nepal, namely education and marriage. Overall conflict intensity had a small, positive effect on female educational attainment, whereas abductions by Maoists had the reverse effect. Male schooling was not significantly affected by either conflict measure. Conflict intensity and Maoist abductions during school age both increased the probability of early female marriage, but exposure to conflict during marriageable age does not appear to have affected women's long-term marriage probability.

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Section: Marriagementioning

confidence: 88%

What Did the Maoists Ever Do for Us? Education and Marriage of Women Exposed to Civil Conflict in Nepal

Valente¹

2011

Policy Research Working Papers

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“…For example, Jayaraman, Gebreselassie, and Chandrasekhar (2009) found that in Rwanda, women living in areas that were more exposed to violent conflict during the 1994 genocide (as measured by the proportion of sibling deaths in 1994) were more likely to marry and have children later than those living in clusters that experienced less violence. Fertility can be depressed as a result of lower coital frequency, as couples are separated by male out-migration and male combat duties, and poor nutritional status and stress lower fecundity and increase spontaneous abortions (Blanc 2004).…”

Section: Changes In Marriage and Fertilitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Violent Conflict and Gender Inequality: An Overview

Buvinić¹,

Gupta²,

Casabonne³

et al. 2012

The World Bank Research Observer

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Violent conflict, a pervasive feature of the recent global landscape, has lasting impacts on human capital, and these impacts are seldom gender neutral. Death and destruction alter the structure and dynamics of households, including their demographic profiles and traditional gender roles. To date, attention to the gender impacts of conflict has focused almost exclusively on sexual and genderbased violence. We show that a far wider set of gender issues must be considered to better document the human consequences of war and to design effective postconflict policies. The emerging empirical evidence is organized using a framework that identifies both the differential impacts of violent conflict on males and females (first-round impacts) and the role of gender inequality in framing adaptive responses to conflict (second-round impacts). War's mortality burden is disproportionately borne by males, whereas women and children constitute a majority of refugees and the displaced. Indirect war impacts on health are more equally distributed between the genders. Conflicts create households headed by widows who can be especially vulnerable to intergenerational poverty. Second-round impacts can provide opportunities for women in work and politics triggered by the absence of men. Households adapt to conflict with changes in marriage and fertility, migration, investments in children's health and schooling, and the distribution of labor between the genders. The impacts of conflict are heterogeneous and can either increase or decrease preexisting gender inequalities. Describing these gender differential effects is a first step toward developing evidence-based conflict prevention and postconflict policy.

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“…"As of early age, Rwandan girls are prepared for their future roles in society, which are centred around her functions as wife and mother" (UNICEF 1997: p. 103). Until recently, fertility in Rwanda ranked among the highest in the world, with total fertility rates of 8.5 and 6.2 in 1983 and 1992, respectively (Jayaraman, et al 2009). Many women used to remain at home after reaching puberty and engaged in domestic tasks and cultivation of food crops that are easily combined with their role as mothers.…”

Section: Gender Roles In Rwandamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Second, a large body of demographic research estimates conflict mortality rates (Anderson and Silver 1985;de Walque 2006;Guha-Sapir and Degomme 2010;Urdal et al 2003), yet there is little research exploring the impact of demographic shifts induced by violence on socio-economic outcomes. Some examples of the latter are studies examining the effects of conflict-induced displacement on labor market outcomes in Bosnia and Herzegovina (Kondylis 2010) and female reproductive behavior and age of first marriage in post-war Tajikistan (Shemyakina 2007) and Rwanda (Jayaraman et al 2009). Third, there is a dearth of research exploring if and in what way gender role norms impose constraints on women in Rwanda in the aftermath of the genocide.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Who Does What in a Household after Genocide? Evidence from Rwanda

Schindler

2010

SSRN Journal

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in AbstractThis paper investigates the determinants of intra-household time allocation in post-war Rwanda. A decade after the 1994 genocide, Rwanda still bears the demographic impact of the war, in which at least 800,000 people died and the majority of casualties were adult males. The paper explores two unique features: exogenous variation in household types and large variation in regional cohort-specific sex ratios. Results indicate that, first, exposure to violence and male death can be a trigger of change in gender roles. Second, there is little flexibility to negotiate responsibilities within the household. Third, the local marriage market impacts the division of labor. Young, unmarried women engage more intensely in typical female activities when the shortage of men is severe. Conforming to the female gender role may be a strategy to improve their chances to marry.

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Effect of Conflict on Age at Marriage and Age at First Birth in Rwanda

Abstract: Age at marriage, Age at first birth, Conflict, Rwanda,

Cited by 54 publications

References 17 publications

What Did the Maoists Ever Do for Us? Education and Marriage of Women Exposed to Civil Conflict in Nepal

What Did the Maoists Ever Do for Us? Education and Marriage of Women Exposed to Civil Conflict in Nepal

Violent Conflict and Gender Inequality: An Overview

Who Does What in a Household after Genocide? Evidence from Rwanda

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