Explaining Anti‐Kurdish Beliefs in Turkey: Group Competition, Identity, and Globalization^*

Abstract

Objective. In the wake of Turkey's EU candidacy and the U.S.‐led war in Iraq, Turkey's Kurdish question has drawn international attention. Due to previous data limitations, ours is the first article to analyze what explains anti‐Kurdish beliefs in Turkey using nationally representative survey data. Methods. Through descriptive analyses and partial proportional odds models of the Pew Global Attitudes Survey (2002), we examine the extent and sources of these beliefs. Results. We find high levels of anti‐Kurdish beliefs in Turkey, but little evidence of group competition/material interests shaping these beliefs; rather, nationalism, secularism, and, somewhat surprisingly, favorable evaluations of globalization better explain anti‐Kurdish beliefs. Conclusion. Although broad processes of social‐dominance orientation and authoritarianism may be factors working in the background, anti‐Kurdish beliefs are better explained by the peculiar case of modernization in Turkey and these anti‐Kurdish beliefs may be different from negative beliefs about other minorities.

Support for Kurdish language rights in Turkey: the roles of ethnic group, group identifications, contact, and intergroup perceptions

“…Some of the findings on group identifications are parallel to other studies (e.g. Dixon and Ergin 2010;Bilali 2014) suggesting that the findings have more general meaning. In addition, the results support our theoretically derived predictions and describe some of the important intergroup dynamics of the ways that minority rights are evaluated in the Turkish-Kurdish conflict.…”

“…In addition, existing studies tend to examine the dominant majority group's view on minority rights (e.g. Dixon and Ergin 2010) while ignoring the perspective of minority groups.…”

“…Some recent studies investigated the Kurdish conflict but they used relatively small samples and did not concentrate on minority rights (e.g. Bilali 2014; Çelik and Blum 2007; but see Dixon and Ergin 2010). Furthermore, investigating minority rights in Turkey is timely and appropriate because of the peace process that began with the cease-fire agreement between the Turkish state and the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) in 2013.…”

Citizenship, nationality and minorities in Turkey's textbooks: from politics of non-recognition to ‘difference multiculturalism’

“…For instance, speaking Kurdish dialects and having Kurdish names were forbidden. Towns, villages and lakes were renamed to have 'Turkish' names (Dixon and Ergin 2010). The state-organised campaigns to make non-Muslim and non-Turkish minorities speak Turkish in public spaces encouraged several mob actions against non-Muslims resulting in their displacement and migration.…”

Beyond Group-threat: Temporal Dynamics of International Migration and Linkages to Anti-foreigner Sentiment

“…The group-threat thesis has been used to study the relationship between the relative size of the foreign-born population in receiving societies and the prevalence of anti-foreigner sentiment among native-born persons in many national and supranational contexts, including Canada, Europe, Israel, Turkey, and the United States (Citrin and Sides 2006; Dixon and Ergin 2010; Espenshade and Hempstead 1996; Quillian 1995, 1996; Rustenbach 2010; Schneider 2008; Semyonov et al 2002, 2006; Pettigrew et al 2010; Wilkes et al 2008). These studies have sought to show whether and under what conditions the size of the foreign-born population acts as a contextual catalyst that elicits anti-foreigner attitudes among native-born individuals.…”