Explaining the 1994 genocide in Rwanda

Hintjens, Helen

doi:10.1017/s0022278x99003018

Cited by 164 publications

(106 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…Debates about Rwandan colonial and pre-colonial history will not be rehearsed here, nor will the events of the genocide, since this has been done elsewhere (for a classic history, see Lemarchand, 1970;also Eltringham, 2004;Hintjens, 1999;Mamdani, 2001;Pottier, 2002). As Gourevitch asserts in his quotation used at the start of this article, 'Rwandan history is dangerous', and recent studies confirm this, showing how Rwandans' own versions of history, and key events recounted, vary depending on their prior positioning in relation to recent history, the genocide and those in power in Rwanda today (Eltringham, 2004).…”

Section: Historymentioning

confidence: 99%

Post-genocide identity politics in Rwanda

Hintjens

2008

Ethnicities

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When the journal Ethnicities was launched in 2001, the first issueincluded an article by this author, which examined the politics of 'race' and identity as central ingredients in the Rwanda genocide of 1994. This current article considers how political identities have been reconstructed since the genocide, especially from above. History, law and politics are examined, as central instruments in government efforts to construct a new Rwandan society and ensure that genocide will 'never again' be possible. Evidence suggests that inequalities in income and land distribution have grown rapidly since 1994. At the same time, the poor and marginalized often find it difficult to openly express their views, including their political identities outside of officially circumscribed spaces and categories. Debates continue around numbers of victims and perpetrators, and new inter-elite conflicts have emerged along language lines. The article shows how race categories have been replaced with new terms, which arise from a particular reading of the genocide. A new foundation myth for Rwanda, a form of diasporic victim nationalism, is also briefly explored. Re-labelling Rwandans from above, the state continues to exercise tight control over the public expression of political identities. Open political debate is very difficult; the government frequently feels it is being attacked, and accuses critics of divisionism or harbouring a genocide mentality. If more inclusive forms of Rwandan-ness are to emerge in future, state controls will need to be relaxed, so that more complex forms of political identities can finally emerge.

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Section: Historymentioning

confidence: 99%

Post-genocide identity politics in Rwanda

Hintjens

2008

Ethnicities

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“…The plethora of literatures existing validates that (Yanagizawa-Drott, 2014;Biswaro, 2013;Caplan, 2007;Kintu, 2005;Mamdani, 2001;Hintjens, 1999 (Hutu) continued with Kayibanda's oppressive policies and excluding the Tutsis from power (Biswaro, 2013;Guest, 2004). For example, he banned all political parties and formed Mouvement de Rassemblement National Démocratique (MRND) which all Rwandans were obliged to join.…”

Section: Ethnicity Politics and Violence: What Went Wrong?mentioning

confidence: 77%

We-versus-They: Building a Paradigm Community in Rwanda

Marobe¹

2015

IAPSS Politikon

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This paper seeks to analyze how Rwandan paradigm community can be formed following two decades of unfulfilled promises of true democracy, justice and reconciliation. In doing this, Rwanda government needs to champion national unity in establishing an understanding and tolerable community than embarking on collective conviction that genocide was committed by one ethnic group (Hutu) against another (Tutsi). The paper uses a relativist approach where 'Three M-Strategy' is intertwined as an approach-to 'Mobilise', 'Mediate' and 'Monitor' all groups toward building an egalitarian society. It calls all stakeholders to embark on building a new paradigm society where everyone's voice is heard in the decision-making and implementation processes as opposed to now elite-driven and top-down approaches.

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“…çocukları" olarak adlandırılan toplam beş bin bebek doğmuştur (HRW, 1996;Hintjens 1999;Wood, 2010: 124).…”

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Savaş ve Çatışmalarda Şiddetin Kurbanları Kadınlar

Özdemır¹

2015

jisr

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ÖzSavaş ve çatışmalarda genellikle kadınlar, statüleri, rolleri, dinleri, etnik kökenleri ya da cinsiyeti nedeniyle cinsel ve toplumsal cinsiyet temelli şiddete maruz kalmaktadırlar. Kadına uygulanan şiddetin 1325 Sayılı Birleşmiş Milletler Güvenlik Konseyi Kararı ile ilk kez savaş suçu sayılması, Yugoslavya ve Ruanda'da yaşanan olaylara dayanmaktadır. Konsey, üye devletlere kadınların korunması konusunda sorumluluk yüklemesine rağmen, kadınlara karşı şiddet gerek savaş ve çatışmalarda gerekse sonrasında hala devam etmektedir. Bu nedenle barış inşası sürecinde ve sonrasında şiddete maruz kalan kadınların yaralarını sarmak, korumak ve topluma yeniden kazandırmak için toplumsal cinsiyet temelli bir bakış açısı geliştirmek gerekmektedir. Şiddetin temel nedenlerinden biri olan kadın ve erkek arasındaki eşitsiz güç ilişkilerini en aza indirebilmek için, kadınların da barış inşa sürecindeki ekonomik, politik ve sosyal karar alma süreçlerine dâhil olmaları sağlanmalıdır. Bu çalışma, çatışma mağduru kadınların ihtiyaçlarını dile getirmek, sorunlarını çözmek, topluma yeniden kazandırmak ve güçlendirmek için kadınların da barış inşa sürecine erkeklerle eşit şekilde katılmasının gerekliliğini feminist bakış açısından ortaya koymayı amaçlamaktadır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Çatışma, Şiddet, Kadın, Toplumsal Cinsiyet, Barış İnşası Süreci. AbstractWomen are mostly the victims of sexual and gender based violence in war and conflict due to their statue, roles, religion, ethnicity or sex. For the first time, violence against women was considered as war crime by 1325 UN Security Council Action which was based the events in Yugoslavia and Rwnada. In spite of the responsilities were given by the Counsil to the member states to protect women, violence against women still continues during and after war and conflict. For this reason, gender based perspective is needed to protect, save and reintroduce them to society during and after peacebuilding process. Women should take part in political, economical and social decision making process of peacebuilding to decrease asymmetric power relations between women and men which is the basic reason of violence. This research, from a feminist perspective, aims to illustrate the necessity of woman participation in peacebuilding process equally with men for expressing needs of war weary women, solving their problems, reintegrating them to the society, and empowering them.

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Explaining the 1994 genocide in Rwanda

Cited by 164 publications

References 35 publications

Post-genocide identity politics in Rwanda

Post-genocide identity politics in Rwanda

We-versus-They: Building a Paradigm Community in Rwanda

Savaş ve Çatışmalarda Şiddetin Kurbanları Kadınlar

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