Gendered working-time arrangements and their policy implications: Korean experiences

Abstract

This study is to explore the reality of gendered work time and its policy implications. With the dual-earner model of family, the amount and manner in which time is spent for paid work, as opposed to unpaid work, constructs gender relations in Korea. This article raises the following questions. What is the impact of exceptionally long working hours on gender relations in the workplace and the family in Korea? In terms of time spent, to what extent are there changes in the unquestioned exclusive care responsibility by women and traditional notions of fatherhood? To what extent has the Confucian dichotomy of public (workplace) and private (family) been altered, in terms of the workplace practice of long working hours? In doing so, this study applies quantitative and qualitative data from various sources. The findings show that, despite moving towards a dual-earner reality, the Confucian dichotomy of unpaid work and fatherhood is still tenacious. Furthermore, the practice of extremely long working hours provides a 'good' reason for a father's absence in unpaid work, which in turn reflects the Confucian fatherhood. Also, this prevents mothers from achieving fuller integration into the labour market. Given these findings, we can see that the practices of long working hours and Confucian traditions combine to generate a vicious circle of gender inequality in the labour market and the family. The policy implications of these practices are discussed.

Resisting long working hours: The case of Spanish female teleworkers

“…In a line very similar to the studies of Myrie and Daly (2009) and Won (2012), the three aforementioned models show that time does not remain immune from a significant process of resignification of the family space and, more specifically, of the home. Once the women have completed this process, they state that working at home or on site at their company becomes irrelevant.…”

“…These studies suggest that there is a shift towards a more complex view of temporality in order to recognise the complexity and deep interconnectedness of various types of “work” and “life” (Moreno-Colom, 2017). In addition to utilising time, teleworkers use designated home workspaces strategically to segment the work–home boundary and avoid home-based interruptions (Myrie and Daly, 2009; Won, 2012). In this sense, the physical boundaries are manipulated in order to engage with certain tasks and particular equipment is used to create special environments (Carrasco and Domínguez, 2015; Gold and Mustafa, 2013).…”

Are they ideological renegades? Fathers' experiences on taking parental leave and gender dynamics in Korea: A qualitative study

“…Irrespective of the Korean (Song, Jang, & Kim, ; Won, ) or western context (Stone & Hernandez, ; Williams et al, ), time commitment is ‘prima facie evidence of commitment' (Stone & Hernandez, , p. 236). Yet, the experiences of Korean fathers clearly confirm the power of the time commitment and the nature of the Korean working‐time regime as excessively long working hours (OECD, ).…”

“…The Korean time regime characterized by excessively long working hours is another piece of prime evidence that confirms the power of the work devotion schema (Won, 2012). According to OECD (2016b), annual working time in Korea is 2071 hours, the second longest in the world, following Mexico of 2348 hours.…”

Fitting fathers into work‐family policies: international challenges in turbulent times

“…As other studies have shown, even in times of economic prosperity, cultural change in work practices takes time and needs to be led by line managers and CEOs (Haas et al, 2000;North, 2012). In addition the presence and legacy of deep-seated patriarchal gender norms (son preference; strict father, kind mother values) in many Asian countries continue to shape perceptions of entitlement and preference in the workplace (Won, 2012).…”